IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 August 2021 |
| Date | 01 August 2021 |
| DOI | 10.1177/00208345211038643 |
542
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
71.5315 ACEMOGLU, Daron, et al. — Trust in state and nonstate
actors: evidence from dispute resolution in Pakistan.
Journal of Political Economy 128(8), Aug. 2020 : 3090-3147.
This paper investigates whether information about improved public
services can help build trust in state institutions and move people away
from nons tate actors. We find that (truthful) information about re duced
delays in state courts in rural Pakistan leads to citizens reporting higher
likelihood of using them and to greater allocations to the state in high-
stakes lab games. We also find negative indirect effects on nonstate
actors and show that these changes are a response to improved beliefs
about state actors, which make individuals interact less with nonstate
actors and, we argue, induce them to downgrade their beliefs about
these actors. [R]
71.5316 ADAMS, Brian E. ; LASCHER, Edward L., Jr. ; MARTIN,
Danielle Joesten — Ballot cues, business candidates, and
voter choices in local elections. American Politics Re-
search 49(2), March 2021 : 186-197.
American voters commonly express abstract support for candidates with
a business background, yet there is minimal systematic evidence about
whether it advantages candidates in actual electoral contests. We exam-
ine this question using observational data, drawing on a California law
allowing candidates to designate their occupational background on the
ballot, and experimental data. Candidates with a business background
are prevalent in California. However, neither of our studies indicate that
business candidates enjoy atypical overall electoral success (although
Republican leaning constituencies have a notably more favorable view of
such candidates). A political background predicts electoral success far
more effectively. Further, “small business owners” have more success
than other business candidates, suggesting that voters consider the
specifics of a candidate’s business experience. [R, abr.]
71.5317 AGGESTAM, Karin ; TRUE, Jacqui — Political leadership
and gendered multilevel games in foreign policy. Interna-
tional Affairs 97(2), March 2021 : 385-404.
This article analyses how political leaders harness gender dynamics to
further their power, status and authority to act in foreign policy. We
advance a novel theoretical concept: ‘gendered multilevel games’. This
new concept highlights the gendered dynamics of the problem of agency
and structure in foreign policy, which are generated from the interactions
between the domestic, international and transnational levels, and reach
within and across states. To illustrate the utility of this concept, we
analyse foreign policy leadership and the variation in gendered multilevel
games in four vignettes: (1) hyper-masculinity and revisionist leadership;
(2) normative leadership and gendered nation-branding; (3) compas-
sionate leadership and gendered transnational symbolism; and (4)
contested leadership on pro- and anti-gender norms in foreign policy. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 71.4996]
71.5318 AHMED, Imran ; BRASTED, Howard — Recognition and
dissent: constitutional design and religious conflict in
Pakistan. Journal of Contemporary Asia 51(2), May 2021 :
351-367.
This article argues that at its core, the debate on the role and place of
Islam in Pakistan, is constitutional. The issues concerning Islamic law,
the raison d’être of the state, defining the nation and mapping the locus
of sovereignty are of constitutional import and concern. At the same time,
the recognition of Islam has been critical to the legitimacy of Pakistani
constitutions. However, the political structures and institutions prescribed
to make Pakistan the Islamic republic it set out to become on independ-
ence have stopped short of achieving this. This article suggests that this
failure has fueled religious conflict and created tension, instability and
division in the country. In failing to provide formal mechanisms and
channels to uphold and activate Islamic principles enshrined in them, the
constitutions have remained a focus for agitation and dissent. [R, abr.]
71.5319 ALBERTUS, Michael ; DEMING, Mark — Branching out:
consequences of the dispersion of authoritarian elites
across state and government in Latin America. Democra-
tization 28(3), 2021 : 539-561.
What are the implications for the quality of democracy when former
authoritarian elites lack visible formal organization under democracy yet
manage to obtain a wide range of influential positions across govern-
ment? We answer this question using original data on authoritarian-era
elites and their official positions under Latin American democracy from
1900 to 2010. We find that former authoritarian elites’ access to influen-
tial posts across state and government institutions per se matters for the
overall quality of democracy, regardless of whether elites are organized
in an authoritarian successor party or democracy operates under holdo-
ver authoritarian institutions. This finding is an important corrective to the
prevailing notion that the survival of authoritarian-era elite individuals
after democratic transition hinges on the survival of authoritarian-era
parties. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 71.5543]
71.5320 ALCANTUD, José Carlos R. — Simple majorities with
voice but no vote. Group Decision and Negotiation 29(5),
Oct. 2020 : 803-822.
Oligarchic majority rules bring the voice but no vote principle into effect.
We prove characterizations of the oligarchic majority rules for both fixed
and unrestricted societies and a binary agenda. This is a general class of
rules that includes the simple majority rule as well as dictatorships.
Suitable sets of axioms identify a subsociety whose members have voice
but no vote, and valid votes are aggregated by the majority rule. [R]
71.5321 ALLEN, Trevor J. ; WALLACE GOODMAN, Sara — Individ-
ual- and party-level determinants of far-right support
among women in Western Europe. European Political Sci-
ence Review 13(2), May 2021 : 135-150.
Support for Western Europe’s far-right is majority-male. However, given
the sweeping success of the party family, literature on this ‘gender gap’
belies support given to the radical right by millions of wom en. We exam-
ine differences between men and women’s support for far-right parties,
focusing on workplace experience, positions on economic and cultural
issues, and features of far-right parties themselves. We find that the
received scholarship on blue-collar support for far-right populists is a
largely male phenomenon, and women in routine nonmanual (i.e. ser-
vice, sales, and clerical) work are more likely than those in blue-collar
work to support the far-right. Moreover, while men who support the far-
right tend to be conservative on other moral issues, certain liberal posi-
tions predict far-right support among women, at both the voter and party
level. [R, abr.]
71.5322 ALLERS, Maarten, et al. — Is small beautiful? Transitional
and structural effects of municipal amalgamation on vot-
er turnout in local and national elections. Electoral Studies
70, Apr. 2021 : 102284.
The effect of jurisdiction size on democracy is hotly debated. Allegedly,
smallness promotes democracy, whereas effectiveness and efficiency
increase with size. Neither claim has strong empirical underpinnings. We
provide evidence for the former. We use municipal amalgamations as a
source of exogenous variation in jurisdiction size and show that it re-
duced voter turnout in Dutch elections in the 1986–2018 period. This
period is sufficiently long to separate potential temporary effects of the
amalgamation process from a structural effect of size increase. More
detailed analysis reveals that the most likely driving forces are a weaken-
ing of the social norm to vote, and, in municipal elections, increased
distance between voters and politics. [R, abr.]
71.5323 ANDERSON, Cameron D. ; McGregor, R. Michael ;
PRUYSERS, Scott — Incumbency and competitiveness in
city council elections: how accurate are voter percep-
tions? Canadian Journal of Political Science 53(4), Dec.
2020 : 853-871.
Incumbent city councillors have an almost insurmountable advantage in
Canadian municipal elections. This article aims to improve our under-
standing of the municipal incumbency advantage by considering the
ability of electors to correctly identify the two most competitive candi-
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
543
dates in one's ward and the factors associated with being able to do so.
Using survey data from the Canadian Municipal Election Study (CMES),
we consider the case of the 2018 elections in Mississauga, a city with
typically hig h rates of incumbent re-election. Survey respondents were
asked to identify the two most competitive candidates in their local ward
races. We find that comparatively few electors are able to recognize
which challenger serves as the strongest threat to a sitting councillor, a
finding that suggests that coordination problems may help to contribute
to high rates of incumbent success. We identify several individual-level
and ward-level correlates of correctly identifying the first-place and
second-place finishers. [R, abr.]
71.5324 ARMINGEON, Klaus — Fiscal solidarity: the conditional
role of political knowledge. European Union Politics 22(1),
March 2021 : 133-154.
In order to cope with the economic fall-out from the COVID-19 pandemic,
the EU countries hit hardest by the virus requested fiscal support from
the other EU member states. Likewise, the Eurozone arguably depends
on some form of a fiscal union. This international redistribution critically
depends on citizens’ support. Do politically knowledgeable citizens
develop preferences for fiscal redistribution that are different from those
of ignorant citizens? Based on the 2014 European Election Study, this
article argues that knowledge plays a limited and conditional role. It
hardly exerts a systematic independent effect. Rather, it helps crystallize
party cues and basic European integration values. [R, abr.]
71.5325 ARMINGEON, Klaus ; BÜRGISSER, Reto — Trade-offs
between redistribution and environmental protection: the
role of information, ideology, and self-interest. Journal of
European Public Policy 28(4), 2021 : 489-509.
Reducing econom ic inequality and combatting climate change are two
strongly supported policy goals, but they will require significant public
investments. In times of limited fiscal resources, governments struggle to
raise additional revenues needed to finance both, making trade-offs
between generally supported policy goals likely. But how do citizens
decide if they have to choose between goals they support in principle,
such as spending on efforts to reduce inequality and channeling re-
sources toward initiatives to protect the environment? We discuss three
major factors that help explain this choice — information, self-interest,
and ideological orientation. Our experimental study shows that infor-
mation is not a significant determinant of such choices, and that ideology
is only important as long as there are no conflicting goals. [R, abr.]
71.5326 ASOMAH, Joseph Yaw — Can private media contribute to
fighting political corruption in sub-Saharan Africa? Les-
sons from Ghana. Third World Quarterly 41(12), Dec. 2020 :
2011-2029.
In sub-Saharan Africa, the private media are often considered corrupt
and thus incapable of performing critical watchdog functions. Using the
Ghanaian case, this study examines how the private media contribute to
exposing political corruption and demanding accountability. Based on the
media-as-a-watchdog theory and on primary and secondary data, this
article argues that private media outlets make significant contributions to
the fight against political corruption. In-depth, semi-structured interviews
were used to collect primary data in Ghana. Relevant secondary data
from media reports and scholarly work sup plement the primary data. [R,
abr.]
71.5327 AYOUB, Phillip M. ; PAGE, Douglas ; WHITT, Sam — Pride
amid prejudice: the influence of LGBT+ rights activism in
a socially conservative society American Political Science
Review 115(2), May 2021 : 467-485.
How do mass publics react to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
(LGBT+) advocacy efforts in socially conservative societies? We consid-
er how the first-ever LGBT+ Pride in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
influences ordinary citizens’ attitudes and behavior regarding LGBT+
support. Using nationwide and local panel surveys, we find that support
for LGBT+ activism increased locally after the Pride but did not diffuse
nationwide, signaling how proximity mechanisms reinforce Pride effects.
In survey experiments, we show that subjects are responsive to both
mobilization and counter-mobilization appeals by local activists. [R, abr.]
71.5328 BACCINI, Leonardo ; WEYMOUTH, Stephen — Gone for
good: deindustrialization, white voter backlash, and US
presidential voting. American Political Science Review
115(2), May 2021 : 550-567.
Globalization and automation have contributed to deindustrialization and
the loss of millions of manufacturing jobs, yielding important electoral
implications across advanced democracies. Coupling insights from
economic voting and social identity theory, we consider how different
groups in society may construe manufacturing job losses in contrasting
ways. We argue that deindustrialization threatens dominant group status,
leading some white voters in affected localities to favor candidates they
believe will address economic distress and defend racial hierarchy.
Examining three US presidential elections, we find white voters were
more likely to vote for Republican challengers where manufacturing
layoffs were high, whereas Black voters in hard-hit localities were more
likely to vote for Democrats. [R, abr.]
71.5329 BAE Soo Young — The social mediation of political ru-
mors: examining the dynamics in social media and belief
in political rumors. Journalism 21(10), Oct. 2020 : 1522-
1538.
Using survey data of social media users in South Korea, this study
investigates the dynamics of political rumors in online social networks.
Findings of this study reveal the significant connection between the
users’ reliance on social media as a source for news and their beliefs in
political rumors. Taking a step further, this study underscores the need to
understand how users process misinformation they receive through
online social networks. Drawing attention to the role of network charac-
teristics in the construction of beliefs around political rumors, this study
provides a more nuanced understanding of the conditions under which
rumors and misinformation can be regarded as more believable. [R]
71.5330 BAKULE, Jakub — The good, the bad and the ugly: link-
ing democratic values and participation in the Czech Re-
public. Democratization 28(2), 2021 : 353-371.
This article explores the connection between democratic values and
participation in the context of potential democratic deconsolidation. It has
been shown that the democratic understanding among citizens is not
universal and, especially, new democracies are full of democrats with
adjectives. Subsequently, these values influence participatory behaviour.
I argue that the previously found mixed evidence on the impact of the
external efficacy on participation is derived by neglecting the individual
position on democracy. The country-specific data from the Czech ISSP
Citizenship Module II provide information on the multiple dimensions of
liberal democracy and allow for clustering citizens into four groups:
Liberal Democrats, Liberal Non-democrats, Illiberal Democrats and
Xenophobic Democrats. The results show disordinal interaction for the
effect of external efficacy. [R, abr.]
71.5331 BALASCO, Lauren Marie ; BAUER, Kelly — Political con-
testation within the human security paradigm: the state
and indigenous rights in Peru and Chile. Canadian Journal
of Development Studies 41(4), Dec. 2020 : 561-579.
This article develops the concept indigenous human security to highlight
consequential contestation over the meaning and deployment of the
concept of human security towards indigenous populations. Using the
case illustrations of Peru and Chile, we show how state policies may at
times work in congruence with the human security of the general popula-
tion, but create distinct and often overlooked insecurities for indigenous
populations. We find states selectively implement human security to
preserve existing governance and development patterns by utilising
laws, policies, and state institutions that wer e not completely dismantled
as part of the country’s democratisation efforts. [R]
71.5332 BANACK, Clark — Ethnography and political opinion:
identity, alienation and anti-establishmentarianism in ru-
ral Alberta [Canada]. Canadian Journal of Political Science
54(1), March 2021 : 1-22.
This article documents an ethnographic case study designed to provide
deeper insight into the manifestation of political opinion in the rural areas
of Alberta, Canada. Employing “a method of listening,” the study demon-
strates that rural Albertans, like rural Americans, are feeling politically
alienated and angry in ways that go beyond ideological preference, age
or income level. In fact, the grievances unveiled in this study are con-
nected directly to key aspects of their social identities: to their sense of
belonging as Albertans, as “ordinary citizens” and as explicitly rural.
Importantly, these forms of alienation are often experienced as being
layered, frequently melting into each other and strongly informing both
these citizens’ strong support for anti-establishment politics and the
rather negative fashion in which they interpret the plight of newcomers to
Canada and of Indigenous Canadians. [R]
71.5333 BANDA, Kevin K. ; WINDETT, Jason H. — Candidate ap-
pearance in campaign advertisements. Electoral Studies
70, Apr. 2021 : 102275.
Many scholars have examined the nature of campaign advertising
strategy across differing contexts in US elections. Little attention has
been devoted to exploring the incentives that candidates face to appear
— or not — in their own advertisements. We argue that candidates
should seek to distance themselves from potential backlash stemming
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
544
from more negative messages by not appearing in negative ads. We also
expect that candidates should be more likely to appear in advertisements
aired during primary elections relative to general elections because
candidates should use ads in this election stage to introduce themselves
to voters. Furthermore, incumbents should be less likely to appear in ads
than other candidates because their constituents should not need to be
introduced to them. [R, abr.]
71.5334 BANSAK, Kirk ; BECHTEL, Michael M. ; MARGALIT, Yotam
— Why austerity? The mass politics of a contested poli-
cy. American Political Science Review 115(2), May 2021 :
486-505.
The effects of austerity in response to financial crises are widely contest-
ed and assumed to cause significant electoral backlash. Nonetheless,
governments routinely adopt austerity when confronting economic
downturns and swelling deficits. We explore this puzzle by distinguishing
public acceptance of austerity as a general approach and support for
specific austerity packages. Using original survey data from five Europe-
an countries, we show that austerity is in fact the preferred response
among most voters. We develop potential explanations for this surprising
preference and demonstrate the empirical limitations of accounts cen-
tered on economic interests or an intuitive framing advantage. Instead,
we show that the preference for austerity is highly sensitive to its political
backers and precise composition of spending cuts and tax hikes. [R,
abr.]
71.5335 BANTING, Keith ; SOROKA, Stuart — A distinctive cul-
ture? The sources of public support for immigration in
Canada, 1980-2019. Canadian Journal of Political Science
53(4), Dec. 2020 : 821-838.
Canada has often been seen as immune from the powerful backlash
against globalization and immigration that has driven political shifts
elsewhere. This article challenges this belief, at least in part, by tracing
the evolution of public attitudes toward immigration and analyzing the
factors that have shaped the trajectory for over three decades. Drawing
on nearly forty years of Environics Focus Canada surveys, combined
with annual data on macro-economics and immigration flows, findings
here suggest that Canadians’ tolerance toward immigration responds to
immigration flows and is heavily influenced by macro-economic condi-
tions. [R]
71.5336 BARKER, David ; NALDER, Kimberly ; NEWHAM, Jessica —
Clarifying the ideological asymmetry in public attitudes
toward political protest. American Politics Research 49(2),
March 2021 : 157-170.
Political protests cannot succeed without public support. Extant studies
point to weaker average support among ideological conservatives, but
researchers have yet to consider the extent to which such apparent
ideological asymmetry is (1) an a rtifact of the particular protest cases
that researchers have tended to investigate, and/or (2) conditioned by
the precise meaning of “ideological conservatism.” We address these
gaps. Specifically, we analyze public perceptions of protest legitimacy
after exposing survey respondents to one of a series of experimental
treatments that randomize the specific ideological and issue contents of
the particular protests under consideration. In iterative models, we
observe how political ideology, social dominance orientation and authori-
tarianism condition the effects associated with these experimental treat-
ments. [R, abr.]
71.5337 BARWICK, Corey ; DAWKINS, Ryan — Public perceptions
of state court impartiality and court legitimacy in an era
of partisan politics. State Politics and Policy Quarterly
20(1), March 2020 : 54-80.
Why do some people evaluate state supreme courts as more legitimate
than others? Conventional academic wisdom suggests that people
evaluate courts in nonpartisan ways, and that people make a distinction
between how they evaluate individual court decisions and how they
evaluate the court’s legitimacy more broadly. We challenge this idea by
arguing that people’s partisan identities have a strong influence on how
people evaluate the impartiality of courts, just as they do other aspects of
the political world. Using original survey experiments, validated by
existing observational survey data, we show that people perceive state
supreme courts as being more impartial when courts issue decisions that
match the ideological preferences of their preferred political party, while
court decisions at odds with their party’s policy goals diminish people’s
belief that courts are impartial arbiters of the law. [R, abr.]
71.5338 BAZURLI, Raffaele ; PORTOS, Martín — Crook!: The
impact of perceived corruption on non-electoral forms of
political behaviour. International Political Science Review
42(2), March 2021 : 245-260.
Anti-corruption claims have been at the core of many mass mobilizations
worldwide. However, the nexus between corruption and collective action
is often overlooked. Bridging social movement and corruption studies,
this article contends that believing in extensive corruption has a positive
impact on non-electoral forms of participation. But this effect is uneven
across the population and contingent upon the individual’s political
interest and education. Using survey data from 34 countries, the analysis
confirms that people prefer non-electoral mobilization when institutions
are seemingly captured by vested interests. [R, abr.]
71.5339 BECH SEEBERG, Merete — How state capacity helps
autocrats win elections. British Journal of Political Science
51(2), Apr. 2021 : 541-558.
Research has highlighted the role of the state in sustaining authoritarian
regimes. But how does state capacity support autocrats during elec-
tions? The author argues that one specific aspect of state capacity —
control over territory through the state apparatus — helps autocrats
ensure large majority electoral victories. High-capacity rulers can rely on
local agents and institutions to subtly manipulate elections, for instance
by controlling the media or inhibiting the work of domestic election
monitors throughout the territory while staying clear of costly manipula-
tion such as election violence. In cross-national analyses of authoritarian
multiparty elections from 1946 to 2017, the study finds that state territori-
al control increases the likelihood of large victories. [R, abr.]
71.5340 BERGMAN, Matthew E. ; FLATT, Henry — Broad-appeal
agendas: issue diversity and the centre-right's electoral
success. Electoral Studies 70, Apr. 2021 : 102272.
Extant research has focused on the consequences of positional issue
shifts that parties associate with their campaigns. Less attention has
been paid to the consequences of the breadth of these issue agendas,
which we demonstrate is a fruitful avenue for future research. Our analy-
sis compares the effects of “appealing broadly” when employed by
mainstream-left and mainstream-right parties and argues that centre-
right parties can gain votes by employing this strategy. In contrast, we
show that this “broad appeal” strategy is not successful for the main-
stream-left in advanced parliamentary democracies. Additional analysis
suggests that when controlling for issue diversity, position or salience
shifts are not significant predictors of electoral support for centre-right
parties. These findings contribute to the literature on party competition,
issue competition and ownership, and the advantaged position of con-
temporary centre-right parties. [R]
71.5341 BERGMAN, Matthew Edward — Sorting between and
within coalitions: the Italian case (2001-2008). Rivista ital-
iana di Scienza politica 51(1), March 2021 : 42-66.
How do voters sort within an electoral coalition? Voting literatures on
ideology, character valence, and issue ownership provide explanations
for inter-coalition or inter-party voting, yet the coalition context remains
understudied. Do voters in proportional coalition-based systems use the
same ideological and issue-based heuristics ascribed to them in two-
party systems that favor single-party government? Voting behavior in
Italy in the 2000s is used to explore this question. This paper examines
what motivates the voters of the large center-left and center-right coali-
tions, specifically whether ideology, economic issues, or other considera-
tions lead voters to select their party of choice. [R, abr.]
71.5342 BERNARDI, Luca ; BISCHOF, Daniel ; WOUTERS, Ruud —
The public, the protester, and the bill: do legislative
agendas respond to public opinion signals? Journal of
European Public Policy 28(2), 2021 : 289-310.
Legislators adapt their policies and agendas to public priorities. Yet
research on dynamic representation usually focuses on the influence of
public opinion through surveys leaving out other public opinion signals.
We incorporate mobilization of the public through protest. Combining
insights from social movement studies and political science, we expect
protest not to have a direct effect on attention change in legislative
agendas. If anything protest should have an amplification effect on public
priorities. Using a new and unique data-set covering collective action,
public opinion and legislative agendas across almost 40 years in four
Western democracies, we confirm the effect of public opinion through
surveys but find no support for a direct effect of protest. Protest rarely
moves legislators: only in very specific issues will protest interact with
public priorities and affect attention change in legislative agendas. [R,
abr.]
71.5343 BERNARDI, Luca ; JOHNS, Robert — Depression and
attitudes to change in referendums: the case of Brexit.
European Journal of Political Research 60(2), May 2021 :
339-358.
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