IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Date | 01 April 2022 |
| Published date | 01 April 2022 |
| DOI | 10.1177/00208345221094113 |
204
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
72.1908 ABRAHAM, Judson — No justification for a “symbol of
counterrevolution”: toward an intersectional reading of
the Confederate flag. New Political Science 43(2), 2021 :
154-170.
This article uses the cultural theorist Stuart Hall’s work to examine how
one group of white leftists, the Young Patriot Organization (YPO) and their
splinter organization the Patriot Party, attempted in the late 1960s and
early 1970s to rearticulate the Confederate battle flag as a non-racist sym-
bol of working-class empowerment, Appalachian regional pride, and
cross-racial solidarity and egalitarianism. The Patriots’ failure to bestow
the flag with a lasting anti-racist meaning despite their public alliances with
the Black Power movement suggests that the flag has such an ingrained
racist connotation that is almost entirely irreconcilable with progressive,
anti-capitalist, and anti-racist politics. Nonetheless, among people who do
claim the flag as their own, the flag is often embedded in a meaningful
subcultural context. [R, abr.]
72.1909 ADORF, Philipp — Die Republikanische Partei nach den
Wahlen 2020: Nach oder inmitten der Trump-Ära? (The Re-
publican Party after the 2020 elections: after or in the
midst of the Trump era?). Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen
52(2), 2021 : 289-313.
Donald Trump’s loss in conjunction with the outcome of congressional
elections has left the Republican Party entirely removed from power in
Washington. What are the lessons Republicans can draw from these re-
sults? How can a President who engaged in open efforts to overturn a
democratic election result continue to elicit a degree of support among the
party’s rank-and-file that has made him the current favorite to win the Re-
publican Party’s presidential nomination in 2024? Explanations are found
both in Trump’s governing record as well as in the composition of today’s
Republican electorate, which largely subscribes to his nativist populist
worldview. The attitudes present among Republican voters were one of
the key reasons why most Republican officials in Washington ultimately
decided to at least tacitly support Trump’s anti-democratic lie of a “stolen
election”. [R, abr.]
72.1910 AGBONIFO, John — Nonstate armed groups, leadership,
and sanctions effectiveness. African Security 14(1), 2021 :
27-54.
The world’s most intractable conflicts, with nonstate armed groups
(NSAGs) as key actors, have emerged in Africa. The UN seeks to deal
with such threats through the increasing use of sanctions. NSAGs often
resist sanctions demands, protracting conflicts. What is the role of leader-
ship in the outcome? The sanctions literature has given scant attention to
how predominant leaders determine whether NSAGs yield to sanctions.
The nexus between leadership and sanctions effectiveness deserves at-
tention given the threat NSAGs pose to international security and the need
for more effective sanctions in Africa. The Revolutionary United Front
(RUF) in Sierra Leone, the National Union for the Total Independence of
Angola (UNITA) in Angola, and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in
Uganda are employed to address the subject. [R]
72.1911 AIZENBERG, Ellis ; MÜLLER, Moritz — Signaling expertise
through the media? Measuring the appearance of corpo-
rations in political news through a complexity lens. Journal
of European Public Policy 28(11), 2021 : 1770-1788.
This paper analyses how corporations appear in media coverage on six
policy domains through a complexity lens in two major British newspapers
between 2012 and 2017. Corporations are often thought to avoid press
coverage, though another strand of literature indicates that they dominate
the news compared to other organized interests. We argue that corpora-
tions use multiple lobby strategies including media strategies in order to
maximize influence. They do so to signal technical expertise to specific
constituencies that is not necessarily accessible to the general public. The
results show that corporations are more likely to be involved in news cov-
erage that is technical in nature which is an important finding as it tells us
more about the media involvement of key players in the political process.
[R, abr.]
72.1912 AKBARZADEH, Shahram ; BARLOW, Rebecca ; NA-
SIRPOUR, Sanaz — Registered NGOs and advocacy for
women in Iran. Third World Quarterly 42(7), 2021 : 1475-
1488.
Registered women’s NGOs in Iran occupy a critical space in the socio-
political landscape. They are neither government insiders nor anti-regime
activists, instead advocating for incremental change within the constraints
of the system. Drawing on interviews with NGO leaders, this article sheds
light on the objectives and activities of five registered women’s organiza-
tions as they work in the so-called ‘moderate’ political climate of the Rou-
hani government. The findings show that although the NGOs provide ed-
ucation and training, essential services, and recreational activities for
women, they steer clear of seeking fundamental changes to laws on
women’s rights. This approach is predicated on security considerations.
NGO activists are keenly cognizant of state sensitivities and the risk to
their work, registration and liberty. [R, abr.]
72.1913 AKUBOR, Emmanuel Osewe — Campaigns and election-
eering: reflecting on the 2015 general elections in Nigeria.
Polish Political Science Yearbook 49(4), 2020 : 72-86.
Historically, campaigns are recognized as a vital part of electioneering
since it contains the ideas that the candidate wants to share with the vot-
ers, especially regarding policy issues and the adm inistration’s focus. It
aims to get those who agree with their ideas to support them when running
for a political position. The message often consists of several talking points
about policy issues. However, a study of Nigeria’s situation, with specific
reference to the 2015 Campaigns and Electioneering, revealed that the
main content of campaigns was hate speeches. Therefore, this paper
seeks to bring out the main issues of campaigns in Nigeria’s electoral sys-
tem and why it has often led to electoral violence over the years. [R, abr.]
72.1914 ALLEN, Nicholas ; BARA, Judith — Clear blue water? The
2019 party manifestos. Political Quarterly 92(3), July-Sept.
2021 : 531-540.
Brexit may have dominated the 2019 general election campaign, but it
wasn't the only issue at stake. The political parties published wide-ranging
manifestos, while their appeals also rested on established ideological rep-
utations. This article analyses the content of the 2019 manifestos and uses
the latest Manifesto Project estimates to explore ideological movement in
the British party system. It reports the changing policy emphases in Con-
servative, Labour and Liberal Democrat manifestos and the ideological
positions of these and other political parties in 2019. It further presents
new measures for parties’ positions on the cosmopolitan-traditionalist di-
mension of party competition, an increasingly important divide in electoral
politics. The article shows that the ideological gap between the Conserva-
tives and Labour opened up further in 2019. [R, abr.]
72.1915 ALLES, Santiago ; PACHÓN, Mónica ; MUÑOZ, Manuela —
The burden of election logistics: election ballots and the
territorial influence of party machines in Colombia. Journal
of Politics 83(4), Oct. 2021 : 1635-1651.
A ballot reform was adopted in Colombia in early 1990s. The traditional
paper ballots, which were printed and distributed by parties, were replaced
by an Australian ballot — an office-centered design in which the electoral
authority was responsible for its distribution. The article examines about
5,800 department-level legislative lists, during 10 election cycles between
1970 and 2002, to evaluate the consequences of the reform. The evidence
shows that candidates expanded the geographical scope of their cam-
paigns after the ballot reform and that party bases became more geo-
graphically dispersed. Moreover, the evidence indicates that the new bal-
lot undermined the power of party leaders to coordinate factions, resulting
in a considerable increase in the number of lists — and with it, of wasted
votes. [R, abr.]
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
205
72.1916 ALRABABA'H, Ala’ ; BLAYDES, Lisa — Authoritarian media
and diversionary threats: lessons from 30 years of Syrian
state discourse. Political Science Research and Methods
9(4), Oct. 2021 : 693-708.
Scholars have long argued that leaders manipulate foreign policy, some-
times even initiating wars in order to enhance their domestic political posi-
tion. But diversionary wars are relatively rare given the high costs of con-
flict. In this project, we examine data from major Syrian daily newspapers
over a 30-year period (1987-2018) to explore how autocratic regimes use
diversionary rhetoric. We find that before the 2011 Arab Uprisings, Syria's
state-controlled media concentrated on Israel as a security and political
threat. Emphasis on Israel as a diversionary threat decreased during
peace negotiations between Syria and Israel, probably in a bid to prepare
the Syrian public for normalization of bilateral relations. After 2011, scru-
tiny of Israel — and other long-standing topics of state discourse — was
displaced by discussion of foreign plots and conspiracies against the Syr-
ian state. [R, abr.]
72.1917 ALVAREZ, R. Michael, et al. — Conventional and unconven-
tional participation in Latin America: a hierarchical latent
class approach. Political Science Research and Methods
9(4), Oct. 2021 : 878-888.
Building on past research, we implement a hierarchical latent class model
to analyze political participation from a comparative perspective. Our
methodology allows simultaneously: (1) estimating citizens’ propensity to
engage in conventional and unconventional modes of participation; (2)
classifying individuals into underlying “types” capturing within- and cross-
country variations in participation; and (3) assessing how this classification
varies with micro- and macro-level factors. We apply our model to Latin
American survey data. We show that our method outperforms alternative
approaches used to study participation and derive typologies of political
engagement. Substantively, we find that the distribution of participatory
types is similar throughout the continent, and that it correlates strongly with
respondents’ socio-demographic characteristics and crime victimization.
[R]
72.1918 AMARAL, Joana — Civil society in peace referendums: in-
clusion and campaign mobilization in Northern Ireland
and Cyprus. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 27(3), 2021 :
370-388.
This article asks whether civil society’s inclusion/exclusion in peace nego-
tiations shapes their involvement in peace agreement referendum cam-
paigns. It seeks to answer this question through a qualitative comparative
analysis of the Northern Irish Good Friday Agreement and Cypriot Annan
Plan experiences. It finds that civil society’s push for inclusion in Northern
Ireland and in the Turkish Cypriot community was followed by their greater
mobilization in the referendum that strengthened the overall “yes” cam-
paign, while this did not take place in the Greek Cypriot community. Draw-
ing on the literature on European integration referendums, it argues that
peace referendums need to be preceded by inclusive negotiations. [R]
72.1919 ANDERSON-NILSSON, Georgia ; CLAYTON, Amanda —
Gender and policy persuasion. Political Science Research
and Methods 9(4), Oct. 2021 : 818-831.
Are policy arguments more or less persuasive when they are made by
female politicians? Using a diverse sample of American respondents, we
conduct a survey experiment which randomly varies the gender associ-
ated with two co-partisan candidates across four policy debates. We find
strong effects contingent on respondent partisanship and gender, most
notably on the issue of access to birth control. On this issue, regardless of
the candidate's stance, Democratic respondents, particularly Democratic
men, are much more likely to agree with the female candidate. Conversely,
Republican respondents, particularly Republican women, are much more
likely to agree with the male candidate. We discuss the implications of our
findings for the meaning of gender as a heuristic in a highly partisan envi-
ronment. [R]
72.1920 ANDREOTTOLA, Giovanni — Flip-flopping and electoral
concerns. Journal of Politics 83(4), Oct. 2021 : 1669-1680.
I consider a model of political agency in which an incumbent politician
makes two decisions in sequence, having private information about the
correct decision in each period. I find that policy reversals signal that a
politician is incompetent. This suggests that the stigma associated with
flip-flopping can be rationalized as a simple heuristic to select competent
politicians. Furthermore, the negative impact of policy reversals on repu-
tation gives the incumbent politician an incentive to disregard new infor-
mation and stick to his initial policy. When reputation concerns are suffi-
ciently strong, these incentives inhibit policy responsiveness, resulting in
an inefficient degree of policy persistence. Term-limited politicians, or pol-
iticians with particularly safe (or c ompromised) election prospects, are
more likely to reverse decisions. [R, abr.]
72.1921 ANDREWS-LEE, Caitlin ; LIU, Amy H. — The language of
legacies: the politics of evoking dead leaders. Political Re-
search Quarterly 74(3), Sept. 2021 : 658-673.
How can leaders recover public trust and approval when government per-
formance is low? We argue politicians use speeches evoking images of
deceased predecessors to reactivate support temporarily. This distracts
supporters from the poor performance and arouses empathy and nostalgia
among them, causing them to perceive the current leader more favorably.
We test this argument by scraping for all speeches by Argentine president
Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. We identify all instances when she refer-
enced Juan Perón — the charismatic founder of the Justice Party. We find
that as Kirchner’s approval rating decreases, the number of Perón refer-
ences increases. To identify the causal mechanism and to ensure that en-
dogeneity is not a concern, we employ text analysis and a natural experi-
ment — courtesy of LAPOP. The results provide robust evidence that lead-
ers reference their dead predecessors to evoke positive feelings. [R, abr.]
72.1922 ARCHER, Allison M. N. ; KAM, Cindy D. — Modern sexism
in modern times public opinion in the #Metoo era. Public
Opinion Quarterly 84(4), Winter 2020 : 813-837.
Issues of sexual assault, sexual harassment, and gendered power imbal-
ances have risen to prominence in the wake of the 2016 US presidential
election and the rise of the #MeToo movement. This paper uses original
panel and cross-sectional data to assess the degree to which levels of
sexism have changed in response to current events, and finds very little
change in levels of sexism from 2004 to 2018. The results also suggest
that modern sexism significantly correlates with views undercutting the
pervasiveness of sexual misconduct, purporting that #MeToo has gone
too far, and opposing mandatory workplace harassment training, among
other beliefs. Overall, the evidence suggests that modern sexism is firmly
entrenched in the public mind and readily connected to public opinion in
the wake of #MeToo. [R]
72.1923 ARIFIANTO, Alexander R. — From ideological to political
sectarianism: Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah, and the
state in Indonesia. Religion, State and Society 49(2), 2021 :
126-141.
This contribution applies the sectionalization thesis of Hashemi and Postel
to analyze renewed political sectarianism between Nahdlatul U lama (NU)
and Muhammadiyah, the two largest Indonesian Islamic organizations. It
finds that while distinct ideologies and rituals do distinguish these organi-
zations one from another, recent conflicts between the two organizations
can be attributed to political-based sectarianism rather than an ideological-
based one. The contribution also shows how sectarianism can be effec-
tively politicized in Indonesia — a formally democratic nation — due to
weak state capacity and other societal problems. Such problems led to a
legitimacy challenge against the Joko Widodo (‘Jokowi’) regime from sen-
ior Muhammadiyah leaders and other Islamist-leaning groups through the
2016/17 Defending Islam movement. In response, the regime aligns itself
with the NU, which utilizes sectarian rhetoric to discredit these groups. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1924]
72.1924 ARIFIANTO, Alexander R. ; SALEEM, Saleena — Sectariani-
sation in Southeast Asia and beyond. Religion, State and
Society 49(2), 2021 : 86-92.
This collection expands the sectionalization thesis introduced by N. Hash-
emi and D. Postel [“Sectarianization: Mapping the New Politics of the Mid-
dle East", The Review of Faith & International Affairs 15 (3), 2017: 1-13.].
It shows how divisions and rivalries can occur between Muslim groups that
are theologically and religiously similar, rather than being intrinsically dis-
tinct from each other like Sunni and Shia sects. The collection features
case studies from Indonesia, Malaysia, and Turkey and shows how sec-
tarianism among Sunni Muslim groups is largely driven by political consid-
erations: to promote regime survival and patronage; to protect established
national narratives on Muslim identity; and to gain civic affirmation to in-
crease the influence and membership of a group. Collectively, the contri-
butions provide theoretical and empirical insights into sectionalization that
may lead to better understanding of the multi-dimensionality of sectarian
identity across Muslim-majority societies. [R, abr.] [Introduction to. the-
matic issue of the same title. See also Abstr. 72.1923, 2127, 2174, 2229,
2258, 2299]
72.1925 ARKORFUL, Vincent Ekow, et al. — Decentralization and
citizens’ participation in local governance: does trust and
transparency matter? – An empirical study. Forum for De-
velopment Studies 48(2), 2021 : 199-223.
The wind of change that swept across the African continent and other de-
veloping countries engendered the need to institute measures that would
bring government to the people’s doorstep. This led to the prioritization
and touting of decentralization. Against the backdrop of the proximate rea-
son to accelerate public access to government, the express expectation
was that a germane space would be created to enhance participation.
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
206
However, the validity of this postulation is yet to be realized. The study,
therefore, set out to examine the relationship between decentralization
and people’s participation, with the mediating role of trust and transpar-
ency. [R, abr.]
72.1926 ARTER, David — "It’s a long way from Kuusamo to
Kuhmo": mapping candidates’ electoral constituencies in
the Finnish open-list single preference voting system. Po-
litical Studies Review 19(3), Aug. 2021 : 334-354.
This article seeks an insight into the nature of intraparty competition in an
open-list single preference voting system, and it does so by analysing the
distribution of votes for Centre Party candidates in the 40 or so municipal-
ities making up the northern Finnish constituency of Oulu in each of the
five general elections between 2003 and 2019. It builds on Grofman’s dis-
tinction between a geographical constituency and a candidate’s electoral
constituency to map the ecology of candidate support in a constituency
with (1) a larger than average district magnitude (M); (2) a significantly
larger than average territorial magnitude (T); and (3) a substantially larger
than average Centre party magnitude (P). Setting M, T and P within a party
organisational framework, the article identifies (1) a significant disparity
between levels of intraparty competition at district and sub-district levels;
(2) several contextual factors that act more as disincentives than incen-
tives to engage in personal vote seeking across the electoral district. [R]
[First article of a thematic issue on "The electoral connection revisited:
personal vote-seeking efforts in the era of political personalization", in-
triduced, pp. 327-333, by Corentin POYET and Mihail CHIRU. See also
Abstr. 72.1846, 1850, 1995, 2222]
72.1927 ASCENCIO, Sergio J. ; KEREVEL, Yann P. — Party strategy,
candidate selection, and legislative behavior in Mexico.
Legislative Studies Quarterly 46(3), Aug. 2021 : 713-743.
Prior research suggests when candidate-selection and electoral rules cre-
ate incentives for legislators to cultivate a personal vote, party unity should
decline. However, previous theories often treat candidate selection rules
as exogenous institutions that have independent effects on legislative be-
havior [although] the choice of nomination rules are often an intraparty is-
sue and a key component of partisan electoral strategies. Here, we de-
velop a theory linking candidate-selection rules to party unity through the
strategic behavior of party leaders. Our main finding is that, under person-
alized electoral rules, the effects of nomination rules on legislative behav-
ior are conditional on parties' electoral incentives. We test our theory using
data from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, a case where our results are
unlikely to be explained by personal vote-seeking incentives since legisla-
tors are banned from seeking reelection. [R, abr.]
72.1928 ASH, Konstantin ; DOLAN, Thomas M. — Politics of inter-
confessional empathy and Schadenfreude in Lebanon.
Conflict Management and Peace Science 38(6), Nov. 2021 :
718-741.
We analyze the sources of two politically relevant, yet opposing emotions:
empathy and Schadenfreude. We propose that group and individual-level
political factors affect empathy and Schadenfreude toward other groups.
Using a survey experiment conducted in Lebanon we find that, when pre-
sented with a prompt about political repression, respondents are less likely
to express empathy and more likely to express Schadenfreude when vic-
tims of political repression were from the out-group perceived as their
group’s m ost recent antagonist. At the individual level, those more in-
volved in their in-group’s community are generally more likely to feel Scha-
denfreude and less likely to express empathy. [R]
72.1929 AVIGUR-ESHEL, Amit ; MANDELKERN, Ronen — Training
the public: advancing neoliberal reforms through model
experiences. New Political Economy 26(3), 2021 : 344-358.
The realisation of some neoliberal reforms depends on the public’s behav-
iour. Given that, how do neoliberal elites operate to advance behavioural
changes in the public? While the literature commonly focuses on either
ideational persuasion or on practice-based measures (nudge), this paper
identifies an additional instrument: the construction of ‘model experiences’
— experiences that provide common citizens with a model for their future
behaviour. By constructing model experiences, neoliberal elites aim to in-
fluence mass behaviour on two interrelated levels: first, through the prac-
tical training offered by the experience itself, and second, through the
wider lessons that can be conveyed to the participants who reflect on the
experience. We illustrate this argument with a case study of a model ex-
perience of household financialisation: Israel’s Saving for Every Child pro-
gram. [R, abr.]
72.1930 AWAN-SCULLY, Roger — Unprecedented times, a very
precedented result: the 2021 Senedd election. Political
Quarterly 92(3), July-Sept. 2021 : 469-473.
The sixth election to Senedd Cymru/the Welsh Parliament was held in May
2021. The context for the election was heavily shaped by the COVID-19
emergency, which restricted election campaigning and dominated the po-
litical agenda prior to po lling. The result saw the continuance of Labour's
long-term hegemony in Welsh politics; Labour benefitted from strong pub-
lic ratings of the handling of COVID-19 by the Welsh government and First
Minister. However, apparent stability in devolved Welsh politics may be
threatened by developments elsewhere in the UK, which could make the
‘devolutionist unionism’ of Welsh Labour more difficult to sustain. [R] [First
of a series of articles on "Decoding the 2021 elections". See also Abstr.
72.2063, 2116, 2301, 2317]
72.1931 AYTAÇ, Selim Erdem — An experimental investigation of
voter myopia in economic evaluations. Electoral Studies
74, Dec. 2021 : 102393.
A prevalent assumption in the economic voting literature is that voters’ ret-
rospective evaluations are based on very recent outcomes only, that is,
they are myopic. I test this assumption by drawing on a population-based
survey experiment from Turkey. Turkey presents a good opportunity to
explore voters’ time horizons for economic voting: the long tenure of the
same single-party government entailed periods of both good and poor per-
formance, and its overall record to date has been better than its immediate
predecessors. I find that voters can provide divergent assessments of in-
cumbent’s performance in managing the economy over different time pe-
riods that are in line with the country’s macroeconomic trajectory. Moreo-
ver, voters’ evaluations of the incumbent’s performance during its entire
tenure have a stronger effect on economic vote than their shorter-term
evaluations, defying voter myopia. [R, abr.]
72.1932 AYTAÇ, Selim Erdem — Do voters respond to relative eco-
nomic performance? Evidence from survey experiments.
Public Opinion Quarterly 84(2), Summer 2020 : 493-507.
An emerging literature suggests that economic voting is driven by incum-
bents’ relative performance, that is, how the national economy performed
relative to recent past outcomes in the country (domestic comparison) and
in a cross-national perspective (international comparison). While scholars
have presented macro-level evidence in this direction, to date there has
been scant micro-level evidence as to whether voters’ evaluations of in-
cumbent competence are shaped by relative performance. This article
contributes to the literature by presenting two population-based survey ex-
periments fielded in the UK and in Istanbul, Turkey. Both British and Turk-
ish voters’ evaluations of incumbent competence are affected by infor-
mation about how well the economy performed in domestic and interna-
tional comparisons, though Turkish voters seem to react to international
performance comparison to a lesser degree than to a domestic one. [R,
abr.]
72.1933 BACOVSKY, Pavel — From xbox to the ballot box? The in-
fluence of leisure activities o n political engagement and
vote choice. Journal of Information Technology and Politics
18(4), 2021 : 401-416 .
How does engagement in leisure activities, such as playing videogames,
affect political behavior and preferences? Are young adult gamers just a
group of basement-dwellers who are disengaged from politics, or are there
specific political issues that gamers care about? Analysis of panel data of
Swedish young adults suggests that avid gamers are more likely than non-
gamers to care about issues that fall under the umbrella of Pirate politics,
and therefore support the Swedish Pirate Party. Avid gamers are also
more likely to use the internet to engage in political behavior. These find-
ings help explain the political attitudes of the ever-growing number of
young adult gamers, and the effects of seemingly apolitical leisure activi-
ties on political behavior more broadly. [R, abr.]
72.1934 BALE, Tim — Les jeux sont faits, rien ne va plus? Has the
Tory Party finally chosen between Europe and America?
Political Quarterly 92(3), July-Sept. 2021 : 436-443.
When Andrew Gamble's Between Europe and America was published in
2003, the Conservative Party was in deep trouble — a victim, he claimed,
of its own success under M. Thatcher in destroying ‘the post-war compro-
mise’ that had kept the UK together, allowed it to participate, albeit reluc-
tantly, in European integration, and helped it cope with imperial and eco-
nomic decline. Yet, getting on for two decades later, the party appears to
have regained the hegemony that then looked lost. Moreover, by leading
the country out of the EU, the Tories seem finally to have made the choice
between the two relationships and the two models of political economy
that, according to Gamble, they had long attempted, however uneasily, to
reconcile. When we look more closely, however, at trade, at foreign and
defence policy, and at the Johnson government's economic policies, it
looks as if the Conservatives continue to hope (not necessarily irrationally)
that they can have their cake and eat it too. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 72.1802]
72.1935 BALLA, Steven J. ; XIE Zhoudan — Online consultation and
the institutionalization of transparency and participation
in Chinese policymaking. China Quarterly 246, June 2021 :
473-496.
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