IV Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 October 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345221131609 |
| Date | 01 October 2022 |
673
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
72.6098 ADOLPH, Christopher, et al. — The pandemic policy U-turn:
partisanship, public health, and race in decisions to ease
COVID-19 social distancing policies in the United States.
Perspectives on Politics 20(2), 2022 : 595-617.
We explore the US states’ evolving policy responses to the COVID-19
pandemic by examining governors’ decisions to begin easing five types of
social distancing policies after the initial case surge in March -April 2020.
Applying event-history models to original data on state COVID-19 policies,
we test the relative influence of health, economic, and political considera-
tions on their decisions. We find no evidence that differences in state eco-
nomic conditions influenced when governors began easing. Governors of
states with larger recent declines in COVID-19 deaths per capita and im-
proving trends in new confirmed cases and test positivity were quicker to
ease. However, politics played as powerful a role as epidemiological con-
ditions, driven primarily by governors’ party affiliation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
72.6263]
72.6099 AGERBERG, Mattias — Corrupted estimates? Response
bias in citizen surveys on corruption. Political Behavior
44(2), June 2022 : 653-678.
An im portant and commonly used data source are several large-scale
multi-country projects that survey citizens directly about their perceptions
and experiences of corruption. This paper deploys a large survey with two
embedded experiments to investigate two potential sources of bias in in-
dicators based on citizens’ perceptions and experiences of corruption,
stemming from political bias and sensitivity bias. First, I draw upon re-
search on economic perceptions and argue that respondents are likely to
respond in a political manner when asked how they perceive the level of
corruption in their country. I test this argument by experimentally priming
respondents’ political affiliations before asking for their perception of cor-
ruption. Second, I argue that standard questions probing peoples’ corrup-
tion experiences are likely to be subject to sensitivity bias. I test this sec-
ond argument by constructing a list experiment. [R, abr.]
72.6100 AKSIUMOV, Boris ; AVKSENTEV, Viktor — Nation-building
in contemporary Russia: four vectors of political dis-
course. Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 28(2), 2022 : 186-205.
This article contributes to the research of nation-building in modern Rus-
sia. It proposes a discursive model of nation-building in Russia, based on
the interaction of four types of nationalism: civic, multicultural, imperial and
civilizational. The results of content-analysis of key political documents on
nation-building in modern Russia (Strategies of the state national policy,
presidential addresses, Vladimir Putin’s articles) are presented and dis-
cussed. It is shown that civic nationalism with rhetorical references to civil
society and its ability to build a nation from below is the most supported by
the elite type of discourse on nation-building. However, in practice policy
preference is given to the hegemonic state model of nation-building from
“top to bottom,” dominated by a carefully veiled imperial discourse. [R,
abr.]
72.6101 ALAGHA, Joseph — Lebanon's faulty governance and elit-
ist political participation. Maghreb Review 46(3), 2021 : 339-
353.
What is the role of various Lebanese political, civil society, and Islamist
organizations in this ongoing process? How could the strong states known
as the 'Switzerland of the Middle-East' degenerate into a weak state — a
'deep state' and a 'Banana republic' governed by the omerta of 'vetocracy'
(consensual democracy) and 'mafiocracy' (crony capitalism?). This melt-
down let the French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian to appeal to the
Lebanese to 'help us to help you', warning of the disappearance of the
Lebanese Republic if swift and drastic measures were not taken to stamp
out the rampant culture of corruption and clientelism (patron-client rela-
tionship). Seen through that lens, Lebanon's 17 October WhatsApp Rev-
olution and mass mobilisation was a reaction against faulty governance
and elitist political participation. [R. abr.]
72.6102 ALBRECHT, Holger ; BUFANO, Michael ; KOEHLER, Kevin —
Role model or role expansion? Popular perceptions of the
military in Tunisia. Political Research Quarterly 75(2), June
2022 : 321-337.
This article introduces a theory on military role expansion in emerging de-
mocracies and poses a broad question: who wants the military to adopt
which role in society and politics? Drawing on an original, nationally rep-
resentative survey conducted in Tunisia, the article explores people’s pref-
erences for the military to remain a security provider or serve in govern-
ment and contribute to policing protests. Findings reveal that public sup-
port for military role expansion is substantial and varies across political
cleavages. We test hypotheses to account for cleavages driven by the
country’s authoritarian past versus partisan divides during Tunisia’s tran-
sition to democracy. Findings indicate that popular support for military role
expansion is driven by anti-system sentiments prevalent in contemporary
Tunisian politics: while voters prefer the military as a role model for secu-
rity provision, non-voters support its enhanced role in politics. [R, abr.]
72.6103 ALLEN, Chris — The neoliberalisation of formal govern-
mental relations with Britain’s Muslim communities. British
Politics 17(2), June 2022 : 232-249.
This article argues that new governance spaces evidence a paradigm shift
that has irretrievably changed how formal governmental relations with Brit-
ain’s Muslim communities are established, facilitated and maintained. It is
a paradigm shift that is driven by the ideology of neoliberalism and the
efficacy of the market. Having begun under New Labour, this shift was
further catalysed by the election of the Conservative-led Coalition govern-
ment in 2010 and successive Conservative-majority governments since
premised on the basis of the ‘problematisation’ of Muslims and the religion
of Islam. Drawing on participatory approaches that afford unprecedented
access to the political spaces and mechanisms within which formal gov-
ernmental relations with Britain’s Muslims were facilitated, this article uses
critical analyses of three social issues — counter extremism, Islamophobia
and child sexual exploitation — to illustrate the article’s overarching narra-
tive. [R, abr.]
72.6104 AMLANI, Sharif ; COLLITT, Samuel — The impact of vote-
by-mail policy on turnout and vote share in the 2020 elec-
tion. Election Law Journal 21(2), June 2022 : 135-149.
The COVID-19 pandemic spurred many states and counties to reduce
public health risks by adopting policies that made voting by mail easier in
the 2020 general election. Employing a two-period difference-in-difference
research design, this article investigates how these policy changes af-
fected turnout and presidential vote share. We find that counties that
moved to send registered voters mail-in ballots ahead of Election Day ex-
perienced 2.6 percent higher turnout compared to counties that made no
change, although lesser reforms may have hindered turnout. We also find
no evidence that making voting by mail easier conferred a partisan ad-
vantage. [R]
72.6105 ARES, Macarena — Issue politicization and social class:
how the electoral supply activates class divides in politi-
cal preferences. European Journal of Political Research
61(2), May 2022 : 503-523.
Against premature claims about the declining political relevance of social
class in post-industrial democracies, recent research indicates that class
continues to be a relevant determinant of political preferences. In post-
industrial societies ‘old’ class divides on economic issues coexist with
‘new’ class alignments on cultural topics. While there is cumulated evi-
dence of social classes’ distinct placement on these issues, this paper ar-
gues that the strength of class divides depends on the extent to which
these issues are politicized by political parties. Studying preferences on
economic and cultural issues (attitudes towards redistribution, immigra-
tion, gay rights and European integration), this study shows that class di-
vides in preferences are context dependent. Adding to recent literature on
parties and class conflict, this study identifies another stage at which par-
ties can affect the strength of class voting. [R, abr.]
72.6106 ARMALY, Miles T. ; BUCKLEY, David T. ; ENDERS, Adam M.
— Christian nationalism and political violence:
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
674
victimhood, racial identity, conspiracy, and support for
the Capitol attacks. Political Behavior 44(2), June 2022 : 937-
960.
What explains popular support for political violence in the contemporary
US, particularly the anti-institutiona l mob that attacked the US Capitol in
January 2021? Recent scholarship gives reason to suspect that a constel-
lation of beliefs known as “Christian nationalism” may be associated with
support for such violence. We build on this work, arguing that religious
ideologies like Christian nationalism should be associated with support for
violence, conditional on several individual characteristics that can be in-
flamed by elite cues. We turn to three such fa ctors long-studied by schol-
ars of political violence: perceived victimhood, reinforcing racial and reli-
gious identities, and support for conspiratorial information sources. Each
can be exacerbated by elite cues, thus translating individual beliefs in
Christian nationalism into support for political violence. We test this ap-
proach with original survey data collected in the wake of the Capitol at-
tacks. [R, abr.]
72.6107 ARMSTRONG, Brenna, et al. — Corruption, accountability,
and women’s access to power. Journal of Politics 84(2), Apr.
2022 : 1207-1213.
Corruption is sustained by powerful male networks, reinforcing women’s
exclusion from politics. Yet, contrary to this conventional wisdom, we the-
orize that corruption can sometimes increase women’s access to power.
Since women are often perceived as “cleaner” than men, where institu-
tions allow heads of government to be held accountable on economic is-
sues, chief executives may use women’s inclusion in high-profile posts to
signal that they are curbing the abuse of public office for private gain. Ex-
amining upward of 150 countries over 16 years, we investigate whether
and where corruption is linked to the presence of women finance ministers
— a high-profile post capable of quelling economic malfeasance. We show
that increases in corruption bolster women’s presence, particularly in
countries with free and fair elections and presidential systems. [R, abr.]
72.6108 ARRIOLA, Leonardo R., et al. — Paying to party: candidate
resources and party switching in new democracies. Party
Politics 28(3), May 2022 : 507-520.
Party switching among legislative candidates has important implications
for accountability and representation in democratizing countries. We argue
that party switching is influenced by campaign costs tied to the clientelistic
politics that persist in many such countries. Candidates who are expected
to personally pay for their campaigns, including handouts for voters, will
seek to affiliate with parties that can lower those costs through personal
inducements and organizational support. Campaign costs also drive can-
didate selection among party leaders, as they seek to recruit candidates
who can finance their own campaigns. We corroborate these expectations
with an original survey and embedded choice experiment conducted
among parliamentary candidates in Zambia. The conjoint analysis shows
that candidates prefer larger parties that offer particularistic benefits. [R,
abr.]
72.6109 ASANO, Masahiko ; PATTERSON, Dennis — Risk, institu-
tions, and policy in decisions to join a start-up party: evi-
dence from the 2017 snap election in Japan. Japanese
Journal of Political Science 23(1), March 2022 : 34-54.
Research has shown that Japan's parallel electoral system altered the in-
centives that parties and their members face when competing for lower-
house seats, leading to, among other things, more policy-oriented and less
personalistic elections. What is less well known is how these altered in-
centives affect the decisions of incumbents to stay with their current party
organizations or exit and join another political party. We address this ques-
tion by using data from the 2017 snap election in Japan, specifically, the
exit decisions of Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) incumbents. Typically
exit decisions involve considerations of electoral support, policy, or in-
creased office benefits. [R, abr.]
72.6110 ÅSARD, Erik — The Republicans and the threat to Ameri-
can democracy. Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift 123(4), 2021 :
699-716.
The Republican Party is the most successful conservative party in the
Western world. Eight of the thirteen presidential elections between 1952
and 2000 were won by Republicans. Even after the turbulent years of Don-
ald Trump, they still control a majority of the statehouses and have a clear
majority (6-3) on the US Supreme Court. In recent times, however, the
party has gone through dramatic changes, both in terms of ideology and
political orientation. The arrival of ”Trumpism” has transformed it into a
nativist party fearful of foreigners, distrustful of reason and science, scorn-
ful of its adversaries and beholden to the whims and wishes of one man.
Worse, it has lost faith in democracy and most of its elected officials and
supporters have accepted, or at least tolerated, Trump’s ”Big Lie” that the
2020 election was stolen. [R, abr.]
72.6111 ASTUDILLO, Javier ; PANEQUE, Andreu — Do party prima-
ries punish women? Revisiting the trade-off between the
inclusion of party members and the selection of women
as party leaders. Party Politics 28(3), May 2022 : 496-506.
This paper examines the effect of party primaries on women’s chances of
winning a leadership contest in eight Western parliamentary countries
since 1985. By doing so, we revisit an ongoing debate about a possible
trade-off between the democratic values of ‘inclusion’ of party members
and ‘representation’ of excluded groups that this type of selection method
may involve. Using an original data set consisting of 608 candidates who
participated in 168 leadership mixed-gender contests at the national or
regional level, we show that female candidates perform worse under party
primaries. This finding holds even after controlling for the type of candidate
competing. We therefore sustain the argument that this leadership selec-
tion mechanism, in its current format, involves a trade-off between ‘inclu-
sion’ and ‘representation’. [R]
72.6112 ATKINS, Judi — Rhetoric and audience reception: an anal-
ysis of Theresa May’s vision of Britain and Britishness af-
ter Brexit. Politics 42(2), May 2022 : 216-230.
This article demonstrates the value of rhetorical audience studies for ana-
lysing constructions of ‘the nation’ and national identity. A key strength of
this approach is its recognition of the interplay between the rhetorical situ-
ation, the text of the speech, and the audience’s responses to that rhetoric.
Using the historical method for investigating rhetoric and its reception, the
article examines Theresa May’s efforts to bring the nation together after
the 2016 referendum and to offer an inspiring vision of post-Brexit Britain.
A textual analysis shows that her rhetoric of Britishness was constructed
around an imagined audience of Leave voters, and thus excluded Remain-
ers from her conceptions of Britain and ‘the British people’. The audience
reception study supports this finding, as it reveals two competing myths of
‘the nation’ which in turn c onstituted rival subject positions. [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 72.]
72.6113 AUERBACH, Adam Michael, et al. — Rethinking the study
of electoral politics in the developing world: reflections on
the Indian case. Perspectives on Politics 20(1), March 2022 :
250-264.
In the study of electoral politics and political behavior in the developing
world, India is often considered to be an exemplar of the centrality of con-
tingency in distributive politics, the role of ethnicity in shaping political be-
havior, and the organizational weakness of political parties. Whereas
these axioms have some empirical basis, the massive changes in political
practices, the vast variation in political patterns, and the burgeoning liter-
ature on subnational dynamics in India mean that such generalizations are
not tenable. We consider research on India that compels us to rethink the
contention that India neatly fits the prevailing wisdom in the comparative
politics literature. Our objective is to elucidate how the many nuanced in-
sights about Indian politics can improve our understanding of electoral be-
havior both across and within other countries. [R, abr.]
72.6114 AVDEYEVA, Olga A. ; MATLAND, Richard E. — Gender-trait
and ethnic biases in Russian regions: ethnic integration,
regional economies, and women in local politics. Politics
and Gender 17(4), Dec. 2021 : 720-745.
Under what conditions are voters likely to invoke gender-trait stereotypes
and ethnic biases when they evaluate the performance of local political
leaders? We test arguments from role congruity and social identity theo-
ries and employ intersectional analysis to explore voter reliance on gen-
der-trait stereotypes and ethnic biases across four diverse Russian re-
gions. We find that the structure of the regional economy matters for the
reduction of gender-trait stereotypes, while spatial and labor market inte-
gration matters for the dissipation of ethnic favoritism in leader evaluation.
Our findings have important implications for policy makers aiming to re-
duce political biases in diverse contexts. On the one hand, we encourage
scholars to pay careful attention to stereotypes of underrepresented social
groups and evaluate how they can translate into understanding the traits
associated with good leadership. On the other hand, we demonstrate that
the roots of social biases stem from complex structural phenomena, such
as limited labor opportunities for women and minorities, and thus require
transformative political and economic changes. [R]
72.6115 BÄCK, Hanna ; FREDÉN, Annika ; RENSTRÖM, Emma A. —
Legalize cannabis? Effects of party cues on attitudes to a
controversial policy proposal. Journal of Elections, Public
Opinion and Parties 32(2), 2022 : 489-500.
This article focuses on how party identity can shape policy support or op-
position to the controversial issue of legalizing cannabis in Sweden, which
is strongly opposed by the public. In a survey experiment (N = 3612), we
manipulated if a message that supported or opposed a policy proposal to
legalize cannabis was presented by a representative of the own party or
an out-group party. Results showed increased opposition to the proposal
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
675
when the in-group party opposed the policy and when the out-group party
endorsed the policy. When the in-group party endorsed the policy and
when the out-group party opposed the policy, attitudes to the policy were
not influenced. We argue that prior attitudes moderate how in-group- and
out-group party messages are processed and that voters do not blindly
follow the party line. [R, abr.]
72.6116 BAILEY, Jack — Political surveys bias self-reported eco-
nomic perceptions. Public Opinion Quarterly 85(4), Winter
2021 : 987-1008.
If voters are to hold governments to account for the state of the economy,
they must know how it has changed. Indeed, this is a prerequisite for dem-
ocratic accountability. Yet the perceptions that voters report often show
signs of clear partisan bias. At present, we do not know if this bias is real
or instead due to priming in political surveys. To test this, I assign subjects
at random to either a political or nonpolitical survey. I then record their
economic perceptions and compare the results for each group. I show that
political surveys do worsen partisan bias, though only among supporters
of the incumbent party. Still, much partisan bias remains unexplained,
even in the nonpolitical condition. So, while economic perception items
remain biased, we can at least be sure that most people respond to them
in a similar way no matter the survey context. [R]
72.6117 BAKKER, Ryan ; JOLLY, Seth ; POLK, Jonathan — Analyzing
the cross-national comparability of party positions on the
socio-cultural and EU dimensions in Europe. Political Sci-
ence Research and Methods 10(2), Apr. 2021 : 408-418.
Using survey vignettes and scaling techniques, we estimate common so-
cio-cultural and European integration dimensions for political parties
across the member states of the European Union. Previous research
shows that party placements on the economic left-right dimension are
cross-nationally comparable across the EU; however, the socio-cultural
dimension is more complex, with different issues forming the core of the
dimension in different countries. The 2014 wave of the Chapel Hill Expert
Survey included anchoring vignettes which we use as “bridge votes” to
place parties from different countries on a common liberal/authoritarian di-
mension and a separate common scale for European integration. We es-
timate the dimensions using the Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey technique. [R,
abr.]
72.6118 BARNES, Lucy — Taxing the rich: public preferences and
public understanding. Journal of European Public Policy
29(5), 2022 : 787-804.
Who supports high taxes on the rich? Existing accounts of public attitudes
focus on egalitarian values and material interests, but make little mention
of the ideas people hold about how the economy works descriptively.
Drawing on the distinction between positive- and zero-sum beliefs about
the economy, and original survey data from five countries, I show that
there are systematic differences in tax progressivity preferences across
groups within the public who think differently about the economy. Positive-
sum thinking is associated with less progressive preferences. However,
despite theoretical attention, there is no evidence of systematic zero-sum
thinking among the public. On the other hand, some descriptions focus on
conflict between rich and poor, and these do predict support for greater
progressivity. Further analysis is required to differentiate alternative causal
explanations of the patterns observed, but different modes of descriptive
economic thinking are an important feature of the mass politics of progres-
sivity. [R] [See Abstr. 72.5967]
72.6119 BEAULIEU BACCHUS, Emily ; BOULDING, Carew — Cor-
ruption perceptions: confidence in elections and evalua-
tions of clientelism. Governance 35(2), Apr. 2022 : 609-632.
How does the fairness of the democratic process influence public percep-
tions of corruption? This article demonstrates the ways that elections can
influence broader confidence in democracy. Corruption is often described
as one of the most serious problems facing democracy today, and citizen
confidence in democracy has implications for system support and legiti-
macy. What constitutes corruption, however, is not always obvious. We
focus on the importance of citizens' feelings about electoral integrity for
shaping their attitudes about corruption more broadly. Using survey data
from Latin America and an experimental survey in the US, we show that
when asked to evaluate political practices as corrupt or not, people who
are more confident in the fairness of their electoral process are generally
less concerned about corruption, compared with people who are less con-
fident in elections. [R, abr.]
72.6120 BECHTEL, Michael M. ; MANNINO, Massimo — Retrospec-
tion, fairness, and economic shocks: how do voters judge
policy responses to natural disasters? Political Science Re-
search and Methods 10(2), Apr. 2021 : 260-278.
Which factors explain voters’ evaluations of policy responses to economic
shocks? We explore this question in the context of mass preferences over
the distribution of disaster relief and evaluate three fairness-based expla-
nations related to affectedness, need, and political ties. We analyze ex-
perimental data from an original survey conducted among American citi-
zens and find that affectedness and need are key drivers of voters’ pre-
ferred disaster responses. We then compare these patterns with observed
disaster relief distributions (1993–2008). The results suggest that ob-
served relief allocations largely mirror the structure of voter preferences
with respect to affectedness and need, but not to political ties. These find-
ings have implications for an ongoing debate over the electoral effects of
natural disasters, voters’ retrospective evaluations of incumbent perfor-
mance, and the extent to which divide-the-dollar politics decisions align
with mass preferences. [R]
72.6121 BERRY, Marie E. ; BOUKA, Yolande ; MUTHONI KAMURU,
Marilyn — Implementing inclusion: gender quotas, ine-
quality, and Backlash in Kenya. Politics and Gender 17(4),
Dec. 2021 : 640-664.
Extensive research has affirmed the potential of gender quotas to advance
women's political inclusion. When Kenya's gender quota took effect after
a new constitution was promulgated in 2010, women were elected to the
highest number of seats in the country's history. In this article, we investi-
gate how the process of implementing the quota has shaped Kenyan wom-
en's power more broadly. Drawing on more than 80 interviews and 24 fo-
cus groups with 140 participants, we affirm and refine the literature on
quotas by making two conceptual contributions: (1) quota design can in-
advertently create new inequalities among women in government, and (2)
women's entry into previously male-dominated spaces can be met with
patriarchal backlash, amplifying gender oppression. [R, abr.]
72.6122 BETHKE, Felix S. ; PINCKNEY, Jonathan — Non-violent re-
sistance and the quality of democracy. Conflict Manage-
ment and Peace Science 38(5), Sept. 2021 : 503-523.
Previous research has show n that successful non-violent resistance
(NVR) campaigns promote democracy compared with violent revolutions
and top-down liberalization. However, research to date has not examined
the character and quality of the democratic regimes following NVR cam-
paigns, or evaluated the mechanisms that produce this effect. In this pa-
per, we address this gap by analyzing the effect of NVR on the quality of
democracy, using the Polyarchy index from the Varieties of Democracies
project and its sub-components: (1) elected executive; (2) free and fair
elections; (3) freedom of expression; (4) associational autonomy; and (5)
inclusive citizenship. Using kernel matching and differences-in-differences
estimation we find that initiating a democratic transition through NVR im-
proves democratic quality after transition significantly and substantially rel-
ative to cases without this characteristic. [R, abr.]
72.6123 BEZZINA, Frank ; BROWN, Maria ; MARMARÀ, Vincent-An-
thony — Gender balance in national parliament: voters’
perceptions towards the gender corrective mechanism in
Malta. Democratization 29(4), 2022 : 655-672.
This quantitative study queried perceptions of the gender corrective mech-
anism as part of a broader parliamentary gender balance reform pro-
gramme in Southern European, EU island state Malta. A representative
sample (n = 435) of the Maltese electorate showed support for increased
representation of women (88.5%) and the integration of the gender cor-
rective mechanism (66.5%); but manifested a preference for other
measures, namely childcare facilities, full-time backbenchers and more fe-
males in the electoral commission. Consequently, should the preferred
measures not be sufficiently addressed, the reform risks falling short of
sustainable development. The study adds to literature about how the elec-
torate engages with more representative parliaments when this is targeted
using constitutional amendments. [R, abr.]
72.6124 BHATIA, Aditi ; ROSS, Andrew S. — “We shall not flag or
fail, we shall go on to the end” : hashtag activism in Hong
Kong protests. Journal of Language and Politics 21(1), 2022 :
117-142.
Focusing on the anti-extradition bill protests in Hong Kong, this article pre-
sents an analysis of Twitter posts adopting the hashtags #antiELAB,
#NoChinaExtradition and #HongKongProtests. The analysis explores the
public narrative among the collective identity of Hongkongers opposing the
extradition bill as events unfolded during mid-2019 in Hong Kong. To do
so, we adopt Bhatia’s (2015) multi-perspective framework for the Dis-
course of Illusion, which takes a three-prong approach to the study of ar-
gument construction and establishing legitimacy. Specifically, through the
interrelated components of (1) historicity, (2) linguistic and semiotic action,
and (3) social impact, the dimensions of the hashtag narrative that
emerged on Twitter were explored. [R] [See Abstr. 72.6448]
72.6125 BIJL, Erin ; VAN DER BORGH, Chris — Securitization of
Muslims in Myanmar’s early transition (2010-2015). Nation-
alism and Ethnic Politics 28(2), 2022 : 105-124.
To continue reading
Request your trial