A Narrative Based Model of Differentiating Rioters
| Date | 01 March 2017 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/hojo.12194 |
| Published date | 01 March 2017 |
The Howard Journal Vol56 No 1. March 2017 DOI: 10.1111/hojo.12194
ISSN 2059-1098, pp. 105–124
A Narrative Based Model
of Differentiating Rioters
DOMINIC WILLMOTT and MARIA IOANNOU
Dominic Willmott is a Doctoral Researcher in Forensic and Criminal
Psychology; Maria Ioannou is Reader in Investigative and Forensic
Psychology, University of Huddersfield
Abstract: The present study applied a narrative analysis upon rioter accounts of their
motivations during the August 2011 England riots. To the authors’ knowledge, this
piece of research was the first to utilise narrative theory to explore the phenomenon
of rioting. Narrative accounts of 20 rioters were compiled from media, online, and
published sources. Content analysis of the cases produced a set of 47 variables relat-
ing to offenders’ motivations given when describing their criminality. Data were sub-
jected to Smallest Space Analysis (SSA), a non-metric multidimensional scaling proce-
dure, and results revealed four distinct themes: the Professional Rioter; the Revenger
Rioter; the Victim Rioter; and the Adventurer Rioter, in line with previous research con-
ducted on differing crime types (Canter, Kaouri and Ioannou 2003; Youngsand Canter
2011b). The four narrative themes are consistent with motivations identified in previous
theories.
Keywords: August 2011 England riots; narratives; rioters’ motivations; rioting
The world recently bore witness to large-scale riots engulfing both the
Middle East as well as Europe, which despite differing in terms of cul-
ture, time and their punitive backdrop, what remained consistent was the
mass gathering of groups of people engaged in seemingly atypical illegal
behaviours.
Rioting generally refers to collective group criminality involving acts of
violence and destruction of property, arguably motivated by the current
political climate. Traditionally, definitions have varied upon the differing
contextual arenas in which consideration is given, such as political, legal
and academic stance points. Currently legislation in England and Wales
defines rioting as:
12 or more persons who are present together, use or threaten unlawful violence
for a common purpose and the conduct of them (taken together) is such as would
cause a person of reasonable firmness present at the scene to fear for his personal
safety. (Public Order Act 1986, p.2)
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2017 The Howard League and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK
The Howard Journal Vol56 No 1. March 2017
ISSN 2059-1098, pp. 105–124
Within the UK, although rioting is uncommon, occurrences have been
sporadically encountered during recent times. In 2001, the north of
England experienced clashes between the police and British born Pak-
istani and Bangladeshi young men (Kalra and Rhodes 2009). Simi-
larly, rioting spread across the Lozells area of Birmingham in 2005
after conflict emerged between Asian and black youths (King 2009)
as well as the recurring sectarian disorder experienced throughout
Northern Ireland (Leonard 2010). Nonetheless, such events were relatively
small scale and short lived in comparison with rioting that occurred over
four days in August 2011.
August 2011 Riots
Following the fatal shooting of Mark Duggan, a young black male in
London on 4 August 2011 by armed police officers, four days of distur-
bances ensued throughout urban England. Beginning in the Tottenham
area of South London on Saturday the 6th, an initially peaceful protest
outside a police station erupted into violence when community leaders
and members of Mark Duggan’s family failed to gain answers from se-
nior officers regarding why their son had been shot; police and crowds
clashed. Precipitating this, rioting and looting began to spread throughout
other areas of London over the following two days. Day three saw disorder
spring up in other cities including Liverpool, Birmingham, Nottingham,
and Leeds, and by day four disturbances developed in Manchester and
Salford as well as spreading further throughout both the east and west
Midlands. Calm resumed by day five, Wednesday, 10 August, but by then
significant damage and criminality had already occurred, on a somewhat
unprecedented scale to that seen throughout the UK in recent times.
A panel, set up in the aftermath of the riots, found that in all 66 areas
encountered, approximately 15,000 individuals engaged in incidents of
rioting and/or looting across the country (Riots Communities and Victims
Panel 2011). Furthermore, the total monetary cost was said to equate to
around £500 million and the human cost equated to five lives and over
200 police officers injured (Riots Communities and Victims Panel 2011).
The events were described by academic professors and chief newspaper
editors alike as ‘arguably the worst bout of civil unrest in a generation’
(Aufheben 2011, p.13) and became responsible for eliciting a renewed
interest into the motivations and explanations of rioting.
Competing Aetiologies and Motivations of Rioting
Apolitical Explanations
Over time, numerous theoretical accounts of rioting have emerged, focus-
ing primarily upon the underlying factors or motivations that give impetus
to rioting, rather than the specific events that triggered them (Waddington
and King 2009). Explanations and underlying motivations of rioting have
historically been distinguishable in line with an acceptance of a political
dimension to disorder versus a rejection of such a perspective.
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2017 The Howard League and John Wiley & Sons Ltd
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