Policing on demand

DOI10.1177/1461355715596321
AuthorTheresa Ervin Conover,John Liederbach
Published date01 September 2015
Date01 September 2015
Subject MatterArticles
PSM596321 170..181
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
Policing on demand: An observational
2015, Vol. 17(3) 170–181
ª The Author(s) 2015
study of mobilization and citizen
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encounters across communities
DOI: 10.1177/1461355715596321
psm.sagepub.com
Theresa Ervin Conover
Department of Justice and Community Studies, Miami University, Hamilton, OH, USA
John Liederbach
Criminal Justice Program, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, USA
Abstract
Police scholars generally accept that officers behave differently across communities and that those differences are
influenced by specific community-level measures. This consensus is based on surprisingly scant empirical support,
however. Studies designed to identify and explain community variation in police behavior have thus far largely
ignored the issue of mobilization, or the various ways in which communities demand police services. This study
provides information on how communities influence police using data collected through the systematic social
observation of police officers. The study includes measures designed to capture the specific manner in which the
police were mobilized, including instances where the police were dispatched through calls-for-service as well as
non-dispatched activities. Findings demonstrate that communities vary in regard to both the types of problems
handled by the police and the manner in which the police are mobilized. These differences are correlated with
specific community-level measures.
Keywords
Community variation, citizen mobilization, police behavior
Submitted 25 Mar 2015, accepted 25 Jun 2015
Introduction
should do’. This view recognizes the contextual influence
of communities on the police and the more direct role of
Recent estimates show that over 31 million Americans
citizens in shaping the content of street-level policing
mobilize or solicit activity from the police on at least one
through various modes of mobilization.
occasion every year (Durose and Langston, 2013). The
Most observers of the police accept that officers behave
requests reflect a seemingly endless variety of community
differently across communities, and scholars have put forth
concerns, including reports of criminal and/or suspicious
theories on the linkage between communities and the activ-
activity, traffic accidents, medical crises, interpersonal dis-
ities of the police who patrol them (Banton, 1964; Sherman,
putes and a wide range of non-emergencies. These issues
1980, Wilson, 1968). The ideas suggest that differences in
delineate the manner in which communities across the
police activities should be apparent when one community is
globe demand police services through citizens. Goldstein
(1977) in his iconic exposition demonstrates the degree to
which police work depends upon citizen demands with his
Corresponding author:
observation that the police are primarily an apparatus of
Theresa Ervin Conover, Department of Justice and Community Studies,
government, wherein ‘each community has the opportunity
Miami University, 1601 University Blvd., Hamilton, OH 45011, USA.
to make its own judgments as to what its police force
Email: Theresa.Conover@MiamiOH.edu

Conover and Liederbach
171
compared with another. This scholarly consensus is based
or on the basis of requests from supervisors or other offi-
upon surprisingly scant empirical support, however. Some
cers; or interactions with citizens on the scene; or direct
research shows that disadvantaged areas receive more
telephone contacts from citizens.
‘punitive or enforcement-oriented policing’, but these stud-
The purpose of our research is to provide information on
ies focus on the operation of situational discretion rather
how communities influence the police using data collected
than the content of police activities or workload (Klinger,
through the systematic social observation (SSO) of police
1997; Frydl and Skogan, 2004; Terrill and Reisig, 2003).
officers. Specifically, we examine whether and how police
Studies designed to examine differences in policing across
behavior varies across communities, and how community-
jurisdictions have generally followed the line of inquiry
level factors and type of mobilization are associated with
initiated by Wilson (1968), whereby police ‘styles’ in
these differences. The direct observations of the police
terms of arrest rates for selected crimes are correlated with
encompassed 4183 hours, or the equivalent of 522 eight-
measures of local political culture and a limited number of
hour shifts. The methodology provides a detailed break-
community variables (Hassell et al., 2003; Langworthy,
down of police activities including the specific types of
1985; Zhao et al., 2006). Other studies that utilize large-
problems they address. The data include observations con-
scale observational methods to more inclusively measure
ducted within 17 different agencies so that comparisons of
officer workload employ purely descriptive schemes to
their activities can be made across jurisdictions that vary
categorize communities (Liederbach, 2005) or a variant
in terms of 13 measures of community structure. The
of Wilson’s conceptualization of police style to examine
study includes measures designed to capture the specific
community influence (Liederbach and Travis, 2008).
manner in which the police were mobilized, including
These lines of research have failed to provide clear evi-
instances where the police were dispatched through a
dence on how community-level variables influence police
call-for-service as well as non-dispatched activities. The
activities across jurisdictions.
methodology allows for an examination of how commu-
Certain methodological issues have thus far limited
nities vary in terms of mobilization and to what extent
understanding in regard to how communities influence the
mobilization influences variations in police activity or
police. One issue concerns the measurement of street-level
workload. We are aware of no existing observational stud-
activities or workload. Studies have most often used offi-
ies of the police that specifically examine the issue of
cial records including dispatch logs and data on arrests as
mobilization. The next section presents an overview of the
indicators of police activities. These data do not include
relevant research in two parts, including scholarship on:
information on many citizens who interact with the police,
(1) police workload, and (2) the relationship between
including criminal suspects and disputants who are not
communities and police behavior.
arrested and/or cited, witnesses, victims and service recipi-
ents. The second issue involves the measurement of variation
Research on police workload
in policing across communities. Observational research has
sometimes been used to more inclusively measure police
Methodologies used to study police workload have evolved
activities, but most of these studies cannot measure commu-
over time. Studies that involve the direct observation of the
nity variation simply because they are single-site studies or
police – in particular those utilizing SSO – are generally
occur within a small number of jurisdictions.
regarded as the most appropriate for determining workload.
The third problem – and perhaps the most substantive –
Observational studies focused on workload commonly
involves the issue of mobilization, or the various ways in
divide shift time into ‘activities’ performed in the absence
which communities demand police services. Mobilization
of citizens and ‘encounters’ that involve direct interactions
is an important concept within the context of studies in this
with citizens. Recent large-scale observations have found
line of research because: (1) communities are likely to vary
that activities performed by the police in the absence of cit-
in terms of how they mobilize the police, and (2) police
izens are fairly consistent across study sites; these ‘core’
workload is likely to depend in part on the manner of mobi-
activities are motorized patrol, report writing and other
lization. Thus, mobilization is a key construct in under-
administrative tasks, time spent traveling to and from calls
standing the relationship between communities and police
for service, and non-duty personal tasks (Frank et al., 2001;
activities. Studies derived from agency records including
Mastrofski et al., 1998; Whitaker, 1982). This line of
dispatch logs include only those police–citizen interactions
research also confirms the existence of large blocks of
that stem from official calls-for-service. These designs
unassigned patrol time that provides officers discretion
measure mobilizations that are commonly referred to
on what activities to perform while on patrol (Cordner,
within the police scholarship as ‘reactive’, however, they
1979; Greene and Klockars, 1991).
cannot account for more ‘proactive’ types of mobilization
There appears to be no significant variation in police
including occasions on which officers act on their own,
time spent alone on shift; however, research demonstrates

172
International Journal of Police Science & Management 17(3)
some significant variation in the degree to which officers
police activities were constrained by what he called the
spend time in direct contact with citizens, as well as the
‘local political culture’ (Wilson, 1968). Wilson found sup-
types of problems officers confront within the context of
port for the notion that...

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