Policing through social media: a qualitative exploration
| Date | 01 June 2020 |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461355720911948 |
| Published date | 01 June 2020 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
Policing through social media:
2020, Vol. 22(2) 208–218
ª The Author(s) 2020
a qualitative exploration
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DOI: 10.1177/1461355720911948
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Seth Wyatt Fallik
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida Atlantic University, USA
Ross Deuchar
Interdisciplinary Research Unit on Crime, Policing and Social Justice, University of the West of Scotland, UK
Vaughn J Crichlow
School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida Atlantic University, USA
Hannah Hodges
Criminal Intelligence Unit, Delray Beach Police Department, USA
Abstract
Social media, in the past decade, has been used to hold police accountable for their actions. There has been, however, a
paucity of empirical research into how law enforcement uses social media. To explore this issue, this paper uses qualitative
data emerging from ethnographic research conducted in a Southern American state. Participant observations of police
officer deployments were paired with semi-structured interviews with officers from three law enforcement agencies. The
extent and ways in which these officers used social media is explored. Findings indicate that social media is used to bring
positive attention to law enforcement agencies and aid criminal investigations. Although the positive impact of social media
was highlighted in these experiences, persistent problems and challenges also featured in the data. Finally, officer insights
were drawn upon to make recommendations for future policing policy and research.
Keywords
Social media, criminal investigations, public relations, legitimacy, Ferguson effect
Submitted 29 Jul 2019, Revise received 31 Jan 2020, accepted 13 Feb 2020
Introduction
et al., 2012: 803). As guardians of public safety, therefore,
social media presents a new frontier for law enforcement.1
The phrase “social media” is used to describe a group of
Unfortunately, highly reported use-of-force incidents
computer-mediated and open-sourced networking plat-
have weakened law enforcement legitimacy and resulted
forms, such as Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter,
in a decline in public cooperation with the police. Likewise,
WhatsApp, and YouTube. Consumers of these platforms
these events have led to a new form of public protest and
often reference them daily and most use them multiple
digital activism (Intravia et al., 2018). Nowhere is this more
times a day (Pew Research Center, 2018). As a result, the
general public tends to receive most of their insights into
current affairs from social media. Moreover, citizen knowl-
edge of the justice system and crime is often shaped by
Corresponding author:
social media consumption (Intravia et al., 2018). Conse-
Seth Wyatt Fallik, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, College of
Design and Social Inquiry, Florida Atlantic University, 777 Glades Road,
quently, the virtual areas inhabited by these platforms have
Boca Raton, FL 33431, USA.
come to be regarded as a “significant public space” (Omand
Email: sfallik@fau.edu
Fallik et al.
209
apparent than on social media pages calling for the con-
2017: 688). “Cop watching,” as it is also known, followed
demnation of law enforcement officers. Although much has
incidents like Ferguson and typically includes the
been said in the news and social media about these efforts,
“incidental, happenstance documentation” of police activ-
little is known about how law enforcement perceive or use
ities by local citizens (Brucato, 2015: 48). Brucato (2015),
social media for their purposes. The paucity of empirical
in his analysis of police accountability activists, believes
research in this area is surprising, given how social media
that cop watchers see themselves as producing a “new pop-
has permeated nearly all aspects of contemporary society.
ular power” of citizen journalism (p. 49; see also Bonilla
To address this gap in the extant literature, we draw
and Rosa, 2015).
upon an ethnographic approach and report insights from
With more than half of the American population carry-
officers in three law enforcement agencies in a Southern
ing a video-enabled smartphone, unflattering images of
American state. In doing so, we use field observations and
police–public contacts have come to the forefront of the
semi-structured interviews with law enforcement on the
nation’s consciousness, and the growing spotlight on poli-
extent to and ways in which they use social media. Prior
cing has called into question law enforcement integrity
to getting into the data, however, we first situate this study
(Bonilla and Rosa, 2015). Although these events can trend
within the empirical literature on law enforcement legiti-
on social media and become viral phenomena, they often
macy, social media, and policing. Second, we describe the
represent sensationalized aspects of police work as most
methodology employed in this study and then thematically
officers go their entire career without using their service
present the researcher’s field notes and officer insights
weapon in the line of duty (Walker and Katz, 2013). Mis-
from the interview data. Fourth and finally, we discuss the
characterizations of police work on social media, nonethe-
implications from these findings, in terms of the changing
less, impact the public’s assessment of law enforcement
approaches to policing and make recommendations for
legitimacy. To that end, Todak (2017) suggested that law
police practice and research.
enforcement are facing a “legitimacy crisis” (p. 250).
In the face of anti-police sentiment, Tyler (1988), in his
seminal work Why People Obey the Law, argued that pub-
Law enforcement legitimacy and social media
lic trust in law enforcement is best sustained by decision-
In the spring of 2014, Michael Brown was shot and killed
making and police practices that are fair, respectful, and
by Ferguson (MO) police officer Darren Wilson. Outrage
just. The philosophy of procedural justice, as it is more
over yet another unarmed, young, black, male dying at the
commonly known, has garnered a lot of empirical attention
hands of law enforcement prompted peaceful and violent
in recent decades. Generally speaking, procedural justice
protests in Ferguson. Pubic protesters were mobilized in
has been found to instill public trust and confidence in the
social media events and documented their confrontations
police (Myhill and Bradford, 2012), an obligation to follow
with a highly militarized police force (Auston, 2017;
the law and orders from law enforcement (Tyler and Fagan,
Bonailla and Rosa, 2015). Relating to the former, the multi-
2008), and a sense of community between the police and
vocal nature of Twitter allowed the public to simultane-
public (Kochel, 2012). Procedural justice has also been
ously, “read what protestors were tweeting, what
found to have benefits for law enforcement. Donner et al.
journalists were reporting, what the police was announcing
(2015), in their review of the procedural justice extant lit-
and how observers and analysts interpreted the unfolding
erature, found it to be positively related to organizational
events” (Bonilla and Rosa, 2015: 7). Bonilla and Rosa
commitment and job satisfaction, while negatively associ-
(2015), in their hashtag ethnography, found that protests
ated with police misconduct.
on-the-ground in Ferguson were strengthened through
Unfortunately, and in spite of these findings, the
social media, which contributed to public campaigns for
response from law enforcement has not been in kind. Many
justice and the emergence of the Black Lives Matter (BLM)
officers, for example, fear becoming the next star of a
movement (Auston, 2017). To that end, Maguire et al.
career-ending viral video, which has resulted in a reduced
(2017), in their pre-/post-Ferguson analysis of officers
willingness to be proactive in their face-to-face engage-
killed in the line of duty, reported that Michael Brown’s
ments with the public. This depolicing phenomenon,
death launched “a new civil rights movement” aimed at
brought on by additional social media scrutiny of police
issues of race and police brutality (Maguire et al., 2017:
work, has led some to claim the existence of a “Ferguson
740; see also Fox and Holt, 2018).
effect” on policing. Here, it is suggested that crime has
Moreover, subsequent police use-of-force incidents
increased due to law enforcement’s withdrawal from poten-
were viewed with a more critical eye. Social media, in
tially contentious situations (Pyrooz et al., 2016). Although
particular, has been used as a form of police surveillance
the evidence of this is mixed in the extant literature (see
(or “watching from below”) and has been performed by
Maguire et al., 2017 for contrary results), officers are cer-
self-described “police accountability” activists (Owen,
tainly feeling the pressure (Deuchar et al., 2018).
210
International Journal of Police Science & Management 22(2)
Police use of social media
found that law enforcement were most likely to receive
interactions from the public on social media pages when
Despite the alleged disengagement of law enforcement
agencies directly interacted with a specific user, and among
from contentious encounters with residents, police agencies
stories involving officers hurt or killed in the line of duty.
appear to be increasingly engaged in their use of social
Substantively, law enforcements public imaging efforts can
media (Thorburn,...
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