Political Process: Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections/Vie Politique: Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Date | 01 August 2010 |
| DOI | 10.1177/00208345100600040301 |
| Published date | 01 August 2010 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
482
IV
POLITICAL PROCESS : PU BLI C OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PA RTI ES, FO RCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPI NION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PA RTI S, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
60.4943 ABBAS ZAIDI, Syed Manzar — Profiling the [Pakis tani]
Lashkar-e-Taiba. South Asian Survey 16(2), July-Dec.
2009 : 315-334.
This article profiles the Lashkar-e-Taiba [ LeT], the Pakistani Jihadist
organization held responsible for the December 2008 terror attacks in
Mumbai, India. The ar ticle elucidates the ideology, strategic objectives,
evolution, organizational structure and methods of indoctrination and
training of the organization. These need to be comprehended in the
context of the LeT's terrorist capabilit y. Evidence is given from Jihadist
discourse from the Mujallul ud Dawa, the official publication of the LeT.
[R] [See Abstr. 60.4800]
60.4944 AHLQUIST, John S. — Building strategic capacity: the
political underpinnings of coordinated wage bargaining
[in OECD countri es, 1950-2000] American Political Science
Review 104(1), Feb. 2010 : 171-188.
Encompassing labor movements and coordinated wage settin g are
central t o the social d emocratic economic model that has proven suc-
cessful among the nations of Western Europe. The coor dination of wage-
bargaining across many unions and employers has been used to explain
everything from inequality to unemployment. Yet there has been limited
theoretical and quantitative empirical work exploring the determinants of
bargaining coordination. I argue formally that more unequally distributed
resources across unions shoul d inhibit the centralization of strike powers
in union federations. Using membership as a proxy for union resources, I
find empiric al evidence for this hypothesis in a panel of 15 OECD de-
mocracies, 1950-2000. I then show that the centralization of strike
powers is a strong predictor of coordinated bargaining. [R]
60.4945 ALY, Anne ; GREEN, Lelia — Fear, a nxiety and the state of
terror [in Australia]. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 33(3),
March 2010 : 268-281.
The 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and
the Pentagon marked the adve nt of an unprecedented preoccupation
with terrorism. Although Australia's actual terrorist risk-profile r emains
marginal in comparison wi th other mortality risks, in times of crisis, the
reasoned negotiation of risk is marginalized. Dr awing on the findings of
qualitative research, this article offers an analysis of how Australians are
responding to the threat of terrorism embodied in a developing discourse
of the war on terror and how they construct their perceptions o f terrorist
risk. The findings implicate community fear as a factor that should be
considered in the development of counter terr orism strategies that
emphasize community engageme nt as a mechanism for challenging
radicalization in democratic states. [R]
60.4946 ANDERLINI, Fausto — Il partito liquido e la durezza del
territorio (A fluid party [the new Italian Democratic party]
and the strength of territory). Il Mulino 442, 2009 : 199-209.
In Italy, the April 2008 parliament ary elections were won by the right-
wing coalition including the Poppolo della Liberta (PDL) and the far-right
Northern League. Territorial and social analysis shows th at the coalition
managed to mobilize working-class voters from the suburbs, while the
left-wing Partito Democratico (PD) found its support in provincial capital
cities and mi ddle classes from te rtiary sectors. The coalition's campaign
was based on the fear of globaliz ation and insecurity. Its vertical organi-
zation provided a strong local settlement in Northern and Southern
heartlands. The PD's fluid, f ederal organization as well as the g eneral
left-wing i dentity crisis obstructed its capacity to mobilize its traditional
support in key regions. It lacked visibility and failed to fit wit h the electoral
demand.
60.4947 ARNEIL, Barbara — Gender, diversity, and organizational
change: the Boy Scouts vs. Girls Scouts of America. Per-
spectives on Politics 8(1), March 2010 : 53-68.
The Boy Scouts of America (BSA) and Girl Scouts of the US A (GSUSA)
both experienced a dramatic drop in membership during the 1970s.
Since then, the BSA continues to decli ne and the GSUSA has reached
near record numbers. These patterns raise two questions: w hy the
decline? And why the divergent? I argue that a younger civil rights
generation, informed by a new set of post-materialist values, did not join
traditional organizations like the BSA and GS USA because their values
were deemed to be outdated. The chal lenge for traditional organizations
therefore was how to respond. Using path dependency theo ry, I argue
that BSA and GSUSA responded very differently to the critical juncture of
the civil rights generations, which in turn explains the subsequent diver-
gence in membership patterns from the 1980s onward. [R, abr.]
60.4948 ASTUDILLO, Javi er — Are dictatorsh ips necessary?
Trade unions and neoliberal populism in four Latin
American countries. Revista internacional de SociologÍa
68(1), Jan.-Apr. 2010 : 57-80.
The economic crisis of the beginning of this century has questio ned the
premise that a neo-liberal populism could solve the puzzle of how to
implement pro-market economic reforms by de mocratic regimes in less
developed countries. Populism is both prone to corruption and incom-
patible with the necessary institution al reforms ("second generation"
reforms) supplementing economic reforms. Non-populist politicians may
not have this handicap, but they could not overcome labor resistance to
their pro-market reforms. In cert ain conditions, democratic politicians can
nevertheless implement these reforms without suffering from the costs of
populism. [R]
60.4949 AYALA, José Enrique de — Giro a la d erecha. Los eu -
ropeos eligen un Parlamento conservador (A turn to the
Right. Europeans elect a conservative [European] Par-
liament). PolÍtica exterior 130, July-Aug. 2009 : 13-20.
The June 2009 European parliamentary elections confirmed the conser-
vative parties’ he gemony and the crisis of the left-wing organizations.
This echoes national trends in most European cou ntries. The crisis of the
Left, the incapacity of governments and European institutions to end the
global economic crisis and t he low electoral participation hinder the
political significance of the EU. The coming Irish referendum on the
Lisbon Trea ty is critical: approval would increase the European Parlia-
ment’s prerog atives. This would give more cohe rence to common poli-
cies and may increase political commitment by people and governments.
60.4950 BARTSCH, Dietmar — Die Linke im Fünfparteiensystem
(Die Linke [Left party] in the [German] five-party system).
Forschungsjournal Neue soziale Bewegungen 23(1), Feb.
2010 : 55-58.
In the context of the establishment of Die Linke [Left party] in the Ger-
man parliamentary system, the question of possible coalition partners
arises. Whereas the CDU and the Bündnis90/Die Gr ünen are able to
form coalitions with different partners, Die Linke is strategically bound to
the SPD. The liberal-conservative coalition could be supe rseded by a
left-wing reform government which tackles sociopolitical problems with
an emphasis on questions of social justice and containing economic
power. Mobilizing non-voters w ho are found mainly in underclass milieus
is important in respect to both power strategies and democratic aspects.
[R] [See Abstr. 60.5005]
60.4951 BASTA, Karlo — Non-ethnic origins of ethnofederal
institutions: the case of Yugoslavia. Nationalism and E th-
nic Politics 16(1), Jan.-March 2010 : 92-110.
Many scholars argue that the territorial accommodation of nationalist
demands usually results from "ethnic" factors, such as the threat of
ethnonationalism to the integrity of the state. Using the case of the
former Y ugoslavia, this article shows that explanations of ethnofederal
outcomes must also consider non-ethnic political factors. In the Yugoslav
case, the anti-statist ideology of the central leadership provided the
autonomy-seeking actors with the discursive means t o neutralize their
centralist opponents and, in the proces s, to turn the state into a confed-
eration. [R]
60.4952 BATTLE, Martin ; SEELY, Jennifer C. — It's all relative:
modeling candidate support in Benin. Nationalism and
Ethnic Politics 16(1), Jan.-March 2010 : 42-66.
To continue reading
Request your trial