Reaching the ‘Hardest to Reach’
| Author | Briege Nugent |
| Date | 01 December 2015 |
| Published date | 01 December 2015 |
| DOI | 10.1177/1473225414560276 |
| Subject Matter | Original Articles |
560276YJJ0010.1177/1473225414560276Youth JusticeYouth JusticeNugent
research-article2014
Article
Youth Justice
2015, Vol. 15(3) 271 –285
Reaching the ‘Hardest to
© The Author(s) 2014
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DOI: 10.1177/1473225414560276
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Briege Nugent
Abstract
Services can play a vital role in promoting desistance from offending for those leaving prison. However,
young men are the least likely group to engage with or sustain contact with support, and the most likely to
return to prison. This article presents findings from a longitudinal evaluation in Scotland which highlights
the often unreported wary attitude that this population have towards services, but also the ways in which
this can be overcome. Ultimately, it is argued that a youth work– and solution-focused approach can be
successful, and above all else the key worker’s persistence in building relationships crucial.
Keywords
desistance, engagement, throughcare, young offenders, youth work
Transition to Adulthood and the Vulnerability of Young Male
Offenders
There is growing evidence that even for affluent young people, the transition to adult-
hood is a difficult time which requires support (Arnett, 2000, 2006). As yet though,
this knowledge has not been translated into practice, and currently, those on the cusp
of adulthood can easily slip between the gaps in policy which are geared either towards
children or adults, rather than those teetering between the two (France, 2008). Barry
(2006) describes this population generally as ‘liminal beings’, emphasising their pow-
erlessness and lack of position in society. Those from disadvantaged backgrounds, and
especially at risk of continuing to offend are particularly vulnerable (Britton, 2012;
Losel et al., 2011; National Offender Management Service, 2012), and young people
leaving prison have even been described as potentially becoming ‘the lost generation’
(Solomon, 2004).
The average daily prison population for those less than 21 years old in Scotland is about
7 per cent of the nation as a whole (Scottish Government, 2012b). Scotland’s incarceration
Corresponding author:
Briege Nugent, School of Law, University of Edinburgh, UK.
Email: briegen@yahoo.com
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Youth Justice 15(3)
rate is similar to England and Wales which is higher than most other European countries
(Scottish Government, 2012a). In England, the extent to which this population are over-
represented in the criminal justice system is clear, as 18- to 25-year olds make up one-tenth
of the population, but account for a third of those sent to prison and a third of the probation
caseload each year (Prison Reform Trust, 2012).
Short-term prisoners are recognised as having the highest level of social need and the
highest rates of reconviction (Lewis et al., 2007; Maguire and Raynor, 2006; Prison
Reform Trust, 2012; Scottish Government, 2012b; Treblicock, 2011). They face a wide
range of issues, and are described as forming a ‘recalcitrant problem for the agencies
involved’ (Crow, 2006: 15), namely, because very little effective work can be done with
them in prison, and contact is often not regained after release.
Those serving sentences of less than 4 years in Scotland do not have direct access to
statutory support. Although there are many agencies offering throughcare provision and
guidance emphasising the importance of managing the transition between the prison and
the community, it would be fair to say that this is not always coordinated or strategic. This
is reflected by a recent review of 125 case files of young men leaving HMYOI Polmont
in Scotland, whereby only 6 per cent had specific plans recorded as being in place (Smith
et al., 2014).
Responding to Need
In 2008, The Robertson Trust, which is an Independent Grant Making body, coordinated
and substantially funded an initial 4-year pilot project and evaluation to offer support to
young males released from custody serving short-term sentences returning to the
Renfrewshire area. The resulting Moving On service was set up as a multi-agency partner-
ship which included the local council. Action for Children were the lead service, and the
group worked towards five agreed goals as partners, and this consensus as shown in past
research was vital (Souhami, 2007, 2009). Specifically, they set out to help the young
people reduce substance misuse, improve their relationships with family or significant
others, increase access to community support, sustain suitable accommodation and finally
reduce offending behaviour. As the service developed, it was clear that actually this was
much more than about reducing offending, and instead considered a first step to helping
these young men to have a better life.
Methodology
This article will present some key findings from a 4-year evaluation of the service based
on repeated qualitative interviews with 52 young men. A quantitative analysis of criminal
backgrounds using the Scottish Criminal Records Office where possible was also carried
out, and information collated by the service on all 93 young men presented. The wealth of
data has produced some interesting findings, but this article will focus on the reasons
reported by the young people on why this service achieved such a high rate of engagement
when so many others in the past had failed. Future papers will present a more detailed
analysis of the desistance process and challenges faced.
Nugent
273
A longitudinal design was used because it permitted a nuanced and deeper understand-
ing of the changes which took place, both in circumstance and in the outlook of the par-
ticipants (Cashmore and Paxman, 2007; Stein, 2005). Interviews were attempted every 6
months in the first year and then every year thereafter, with a ‘new’ cohort of around 15
young men added each year. Of the 52 young men, 15 were interviewed five times and the
remaining 37 three times, with the data showing progress from the time of first interview
spanning from 2 to 4 years. The first interviews took place in HMYOI Polmont and there-
after generally in the community at the Moving On offices.
The purpose of the research was to understand these young people’s lives, and what
helped them to desist from offending and move towards a better life. Although not ‘pure’
narrative research because of the structured nature of the interviews, it could still be
described this way because narrative interviews are ‘interpretive devices, through which
people represent themselves, both to themselves and to others’ (Lawler, 2002: 242). A
social constructionist standpoint was taken so that the way in which meaning was ascribed
examined, and the interviews supplemented with the data generated from the files and
perspectives given by workers.
A thematic analysis was applied to the interviews, so that in the beginning an active
reading of transcripts lead to the generation of codes which were then used to subse-
quently identify common patterns or themes (Barbour, 2008; Bold, 2012; Braun and
Clarke, 2006; Guest et al., 2012). This methodology was beneficial as it kept the stories
and pathways of the young people interviewed intact as they developed.
Limitations
The main limitations of the study were that the sample was small, only included men, and
as there was no comparison group, the findings are not able to be generalised or substanti-
ated in a robust way. The major challenge methodologically was retaining the sample. The
argument could be made that those reported on were the ‘best’ or ‘easiest’ to engage;
however, the histories and backgrounds of the sample showed that this was not the case.
The main reason for losing contact was a lack of stable address or phone number for inter-
viewees or those they identified as being close to. In the latter stages of the project,
Facebook proved to be a very beneficial source to sustain contact, and is recommended
for future research.
Overview of the Service
Ethos
Crucially, a ‘youth work’ approach was adopted from the very beginning which has a
distinctive ethos, as described by The National Occupational Standards for Youth Work
(Lifelong Learning UK (LLUK), 2008), which states that
The key focus of youth work is to enable young people to develop holistically, working with
them to facilitate their personal, social and educational development, to enable them to develop
their voice, influence and place in society, and to reach their full potential.
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Therefore, the service set out to be person-centred, solution-focused and to help the young
people meet their needs but also become aware of and promote their strengths too (Weaver
and McNeill, 2007). The emphasis was placed on building relationships and the importance
of being friendly, informal and acting with integrity to help engagement (Smith, 2002).
Like the growing body of desistance literature, there was also a heavy emphasis placed
on the worker having belief in the young person’s ability to change for the good (Healy,
2010, 2014; King, 2013; McNeill and Batchelor, 2002; McNeill et al., 2005; Maruna,
2001; Smith, 2002; Young, 1999).
Practice
In brief, the service identified each person entitled to receive support and approached
them individually whilst they were in prison. For those who decided to take it up, they
were then met in the prison at least once a month by their key worker until their release.
This time was used to begin to build a relationship, identify needs and...
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