Technological change and international relations
| Author | Daniel W Drezner |
| Published date | 01 June 2019 |
| Date | 01 June 2019 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/0047117819834629 |
| Subject Matter | Part Two: Norms and Process |
https://doi.org/10.1177/0047117819834629
International Relations
2019, Vol. 33(2) 286 –303
© The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/0047117819834629
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Technological change and
international relations
Daniel W Drezner
Tufts University
Abstract
This article reflects on the role that technological change has played in the last century on
international relations. It makes two main points. First, the relationship is reciprocal; while
technological change has undeniable effects on international relations, the changing nature of
world politics also affects the pace of technological change. Second, any technological change
is also an exercise in economic redistribution and societal disruption. It creates new winners
and losers, alters actor preferences, and allows the strategic construction of new norms and
organizations. The nature of the technology itself, and the extent to which the public sector
drives the innovation, generates differential effects on international relations. To demonstrate
these arguments, special emphasis is placed on two important innovations of the last century for
international relations: nuclear weapons and the Internet.
Keywords
innovation, international relations theory, Internet, liberalism, nuclear weapons, realism,
technology
Technology’s relationship with international relations in 2019 would appear to be trans-
formative. Innovation has had salutary economic effects, increasing labor productivity
and reducing extreme poverty across the globe. At the same time, new technologies
have also created new threats. The destructive power of modern militaries would dwarf
those of a century ago. Innovation also generates societal churn; anxiety about these
changes has midwifed movements ranging from the Islamic State to #MeToo. Some
technologies have led to radical shifts in the distribution of power among states, as
countries like China and India have played catch-up to the advanced industrialized
economies. The relationship between states and non-state actors has also been trans-
formed, as anyone familiar with WikiLeaks or Facebook would acknowledge. A more
Corresponding author:
Daniel W Drezner, The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Medford, 160 Packard
Avenue, MA 02155, USA
Email: daniel.drezner@tufts.edu
834629IRE0010.1177/0047117819834629International RelationsDrezner
research-article2019
Article
Drezner 287
interconnected world has also highlighted vulnerabilities in the system, including expo-
sure to pandemics such as Ebola. The speed of cross-border interactions has made
diplomacy-by-tweet a thing. Despite a surge in protectionism from the G-20 economies,
globalization continues apace. Technological change continues to lower the costs of
cross-border exchange faster than governments can raise barriers.
As we mark the centenary of the academic study of International Relations in this
issue, however, it is worth noting that almost every political effect of technology
described in the previous paragraph would have applied with equal force in 1919. The
First World War had just proven the awesome destructive capabilities of the machine gun
and chemical weapons. A critical cause of that war was Germany’s ability to catch up
technologically to Great Britain, and German concerns with Russia’s imminent catch-up.
Non-state actors like the Suffragette movement, Second International, and Red Cross
exploited new technologies to build transnational movements. Lowered transportation
costs gave rise to the Spanish flu, the most deadly pandemic of the twentieth century.
August 1914 was characterized by a flurry of rapid diplomatic and military signaling
following the June assassination of Archduke Ferdinand. And in the run-up to the First
World War, most European governments had raised tariffs in an effort to reduce eco-
nomic interdependence. That did not stop trade from increasing; the spread of railroads
and steamships overwhelmed protectionist barriers.1 Perhaps the relationship between
technological change and international relations might not be as transformative as tech-
nology enthusiasts believe.
Much IR scholarship treats technology as an exogenous shock, an independent vari-
able that affects the contours of world politics through shifts in the distribution of mili-
tary or economic power. There are two significant problems with this assumption,
however. First, the causal arrow can also run in the other direction. Changes in the inter-
national system can also have pronounced effects on the pace of technological change.
Second, not all kinds of technological change are created equal. Indeed, the development
of nuclear weapons and the Internet has had wildly different effects on the the interna-
tional system.
This article reflects on the role of technology has played in the last century of interna-
tional relations. The economics of technological change are overwhelmingly positive,
which can lull social scientists into a straightforward rationalist account of how great
powers think about it. The international politics are far more fraught. Any technological
change is also an exercise in redistribution. It can create new winners and losers, alter
actor preferences, and allow the strategic construction of new norms. The nature of the
technology itself, and the degree to which the public sector drives innovation, generates
differential effects on international relations. To examine these dynamics, special empha-
sis is placed on two important innovations of the last century for international relations:
nuclear weapons and the Internet.
Rationalist accounts of technological chance … and their
discontents
The salience of technology to world politics is often reduced to the simple equation that
for sovereign actors, more technological innovation equals more power and plenty.
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