The British Labour Party and the antisemitism crisis: Jeremy Corbyn and image repair theory

AuthorTimothy Heppell
DOI10.1177/13691481211015920
Date01 November 2021
Published date01 November 2021
Subject MatterOriginal Articles
https://doi.org/10.1177/13691481211015920
The British Journal of Politics and
International Relations
2021, Vol. 23(4) 645 –662
© The Author(s) 2021
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/13691481211015920
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The British Labour Party and
the antisemitism crisis:
Jeremy Corbyn
and image repair theory
Timothy Heppell
Abstract
This article utilises the work of William Benoit on image repair theory as a framework for
examining the crisis communication of Jeremy Corbyn in relation to antisemitism within the
Labour Party. By examining the self-defence rhetoric of Corbyn on the antisemitism allegations,
the article identifies the following. Of the five strategies for crisis communication, Corbyn was
overly reliant on denial, evading responsibility and reducing offensiveness; struggled to explain his
attempts at corrective action; and reverted to accepting responsibility – that is, apologies – reluctantly
and belatedly. Utilising existing perspectives on the most effective strategies for image repair
– which emphasise the importance of effective corrective action and accepting responsibility at the
expense of denial, evading responsibility and reducing effectiveness – the article argues that Corbyn
undermined his own attempts at image repair in the crisis that defined his leadership.
Keywords
antisemitism, crisis communication, image repair, Jeremy Corbyn, Labour Party, political
leadership
Introduction
This article contributes to academic debates on antisemitism in the Labour Party under
Jeremy Corbyn (Hirsh, 2018; Rich, 2018). The article utilises Benoit’s image repair the-
ory as a framework for examining the crisis communication that Corbyn used in relation
to the antisemitism allegations. The rationale for assessing Corbyn via image repair the-
ory is clear as the antisemitism crisis caused him significant reputational damage (Barclay
et al., 2019).
The article proceeds as follows. The first section provides an overview of image repair
theory. It identifies the different strategies – denial, evading responsibility, reducing
School of Politics and International Studies (POLIS), University of Leeds, Leeds, UK
Corresponding author:
Timothy Heppell, School of Politics and International Studies (POLIS), University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT,
UK.
Email: t.heppell@leeds.ac.uk
1015920BPI0010.1177/13691481211015920The British Journal of Politics and International RelationsHeppell
research-article2021
Original Article
646 The British Journal of Politics and International Relations 23(4)
offensiveness, corrective action and accepting responsibility – alongside examples of
individuals and organisations who have been evaluated against it, and an assessment of
the strategies that have been identified as the most effective. The second section identifies
the competing perspectives in relation to the antisemitism allegations against the Labour
Party. The third section assesses Corbyn against the strategies outlined within image
repair theory, before the concluding section summarises the main findings and identifies
how and why the approach of Corbyn was inappropriate, inconsistent and contradictory.
Image repair theory
The starting point for image repair theory is when an individual or organisation has been
accused of wrongdoing that causes them reputational damage. The level of reputational
damage will be shaped by first, the extent to which the individual or organisation is
deemed to be responsible, and second, the extent to which the accusation is deemed to be
offensive. The strategy that the accused adopts to limit the damage to their image is goal-
orientated behaviour designed to alter perceptions – be that consumers in business, fans
in the case of celebrities, or voters for political parties and politicians (Benoit, 1995,
2015).
Image repair theory is recognised as the ‘dominant paradigm’ for assessing crisis com-
munication (Dardis and Haigh, 2009: 101). It has been applied to political figures – for
example, Presidents Reagan (Benoit et al., 1991), Clinton (Blaney and Benoit, 2001),
George W. Bush (Benoit and Henson, 2009), Obama (Benoit, 2014) and Trump (Benoit,
2017) – and beyond the political sphere in relation to the Queen (Benoit and Brinson,
1999); the actor, Hugh Grant (Benoit, 1997); the sportswoman, Tonya Handing (Benoit
and Hanczor, 1994); and to corporate scandals (Benoit and Hirson, 2001; Brinson and
Benoit, 1999).
What emerges from these studies is how those who are accused of wrongdoing need to
respond in the immediate aftermath of the onset of the crisis, so as to reassure followers
that the accusation being made is mistaken or exaggerated. This represents a critical
moment, for at the onset of the crisis there will be, depending upon the severity of the
accusation and the significance of the individual or organisation involved, a media-driven
demand for information.
Failure on behalf of the accused to respond can create an information vacuum as both
the media and the public will demand immediate answers and explanations (Coombs,
2007). On the question as to whether to respond (rebuttal) or not, there is the risk that
silence implies culpability, and the information vacuum will be filled by the media. This
creates incentives for those accused to intervene and seek to minimise or challenge the
validity of the accusations being made. An effective rebuttal to the allegations being made
is one that challenges the established interpretation, with an account which enables fol-
lowers, be they stakeholders, customers, voters or fans, to see a counter-argument which
amounts to a credible explanation in mitigation (Heath, 2006). This represents the oppor-
tunity to ‘filter’ and ‘frame’ the message so as to potentially reshape public opinion of the
accusation (Scheufele and Tewksbury, 2007).
What image repair theory provides is the strategies and techniques (see Table 1) for
those engaging in crisis communication, and these provide the basis upon which the
Corbyn antisemitism case will be assessed.
What have been identified as the most effective and least effective strategies of
crisis communication? Strategies that are deemed to be more effective are corrective

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