The German Grundschuld

DOI10.3366/elr.2012.0101
Pages147-177
Date01 May 2012
Published date01 May 2012
INTRODUCTION

In the European legal tradition, deriving from Roman law, a security right is mostly an accessory right: in principle it exists solely in relation to an obligation, the performance of which it secures. But in Germany, alongside the accessory security, alternative, non-accessory security rights were developed, the Verkehrshypothek and the Grundschuld. Nowadays the Grundschuld is the commonest form of security on immovable property. This article tells the strange tale of the Grundschuld, a remarkable legal institution, from its beginnings down to the radical reforms of 2008. For readers outwith Germany, the story will seem in many ways surprising, and from it some lessons may be learnt.

The concept of accessoriness was developed in continental legal science.1

It is not well-known in the English-speaking world but see A J M Steven, “Accessoriness and security over land” (2009) 13 EdinLR 387.

It refers to the bond between the security right and the claim (personal right) that it secures. The claim is seen as the main right and the security right is seen as its accessory. The most important aspects of accessoriness are that the security right cannot exist when there is no secured claim: that the security right cannot be enforced when the claim cannot be enforced (accessoriness of defences): that upon enforcement the mortgagee cannot receive more money than the amount of the claim at that time and that upon assignation or any other transfer of the claim the security right is automatically transferred to the new creditor

The concept plays an important role in the discussions about the introduction of the so-called “euromortgage”. The original model of the “euromortgage” was based on the Swiss land charge (Schuldbrief) which is a form of security lacking accessoriness.2

See W Wiegand, “Akzessorietät und Spezialität. Zum Verhältnis zwischen Forderung und Sicherungsgegenstand”, in W Wiegand (ed), Probleme der Kreditsicherung (1982) 35–54.

Proponents of the model stressed the advantages of this lack of accessoriness. In 2008, however, the German legislator was forced to make the land charge accessory to prevent investors making misuse of the lack of accessoriness. This non-accessoriness meant that investors who bought portfolios of mortgage claims were able to enforce the land charges for a larger amount of money than the claims due by the borrowers. At first sight it may seem surprising that it was possible for German law to adopt a form of mortgage with such an important weakness that enabled mortgagees to make such misuse. It is equally surprising to see that no such misuse occurred on a large scale for around one hundred years, since the German civil code came into force on 1 January 1900. Only recently did things begin to go wrong. When the German civil code was drafted at the end of the 19th century, this lack of accessoriness, which now turns out to be a major weak spot, was incorporated deliberately and regarded as a prominent advantage to lenders as well as borrowers. Some historical research is needed to understand why the German legislator made this choice
THE ORIGINS OF THE NON-ACCESSORY MORTGAGE<xref ref-type="fn" rid="fn3"><sup>3</sup></xref><fn id="fn3"><label>3</label><p>In this article the term “mortgage” should not be associated with the types of mortgage to be found in the Anglo-American legal world.</p></fn> General overview

At the end of the 19th century the drafters of the German civil code (BGB) codified three types of security rights on immovables, two types of hypothec, the Verkehrshypothek and the Sicherungshypothek, and the Grundschuld, the land charge. Traditionally German literature characterises the hypothec as an accessory right and the land charge as non-accessory.4

This can be found in almost any textbook. See e.g. M Wolff and L Raiser, Sachenrecht, 10th edn (1957) § 132; W Brehm and C Berger, Sachenrecht, 2nd edn (2006) nr 28; H P Westermann, K-H Gursky and D Eickmann, Sachenrecht, 8th edn (2011) § 91; J F Baur and R Stürner, Sachenrecht, 18th edn (2009) 36 II; P Bülow, Recht der Kreditsicherheiten, 7th edn (2007) nr 101.

In a comparative perspective, the observation that the hypothec is accessory could be misleading: only the Sicherungshypothek can be regarded as largely accessory.5

For a more nuanced description see: Münchener Kommentar zum BGB/Eickmann, 5th edn (2009) § 1113 Rn 80–82. As it is largely accessory, it is closest to the Scottish standard security.

The Verkehrshypothek, on the other hand, is largely non-accessory

The origin of the German non-accessory Verkehrshypothek and Grundschuld is to be found in the way in which mortgages on immovables were granted, mainly in Prussia and Mecklenburg, from the second half of the 18th century onwards. Although Prussia led the way, the most perfected model of the non-accessory mortgage was developed in Mecklenburg in the 19th century.

At the end of the 18th century there was a great demand for credit in the east of Germany, partly as a result of the Seven Years’ War. Many owners of so-called Rittergüter, estates originally belonging to the gentry, had too little money to exploit their agricultural land and struggled to borrow money on acceptable conditions.6

G Körber, “Das Kreditwesen des ritterschaftlichen Grundbesitzes in Mecklenburg nach dem Siebenjährigen Kriege bis zur Gründung des Ritterschaftlichen Kreditvereins im Jahre 1819”, in Jahrbücher des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, vol 93 (1929) at 153–266, 164–175, 209–210.

At that time, credit was granted directly by wealthy, private individuals, not by banks. Generally, a banker functioned as an intermediary between creditor and debtor who brought parties together but did not himself act as a creditor. There were also markets, held every six months on the traditional loan expiry dates, where loans had to be repaid and new loans could be negotiated.7

Körber (n 6) at 163–164.

In order to understand the development of the non-accessory mortgage it is of fundamental importance to realise that this type of hypothec was developed to facilitate a credit system in which not banks but individuals granted credit, a system based on “individual credit”

A great obstacle for creditors was the fact that, at that time, the system of land registration was very defective and it was often impossible to find out whether or not a property was burdened with a mortgage. In Mecklenburg,8

Körber (n 6) at 177, 180.

for example, registration in a public land register was not required to create a mortgage. In addition, there were various privileges such as “general hypothecs” that took preference but were not registered anywhere.9

M Weyermann, Zur Geschichte des Immobiliarkreditwesens in Preußen (1910) 5.

In any case, the insolvency legislation was often inadequate so that enforcement was very difficult. At the end of the 18th century Mecklenburg had no insolvency code.10

Körber (n 6) at 179–194.

Proposals to introduce a public land register were obstructed by large landowners who feared that the creation of a land register would enable the tax authorities to have a better insight into their wealth and levy more taxes.11

Körber (n 6) at 194–200.

As a result of this lack of security, creditors were forced to demand a higher interest rate for their loans. As a consequence, credit was often unavailable on acceptable terms. A second major problem for debtors was that most credit was granted for a very short time, perhaps only half a year, until the next loan expiry date set by the market rules.12

Körber (n 6) at 163–164, 175, 210. In Prussia, credit was granted for longer periods but rarely for a term exceeding ten years. Credit exceeding a duration of ten years became common only after the introduction of the 1750 Mortgage Statute (Hypothekenordnung). See Weyermann, Zur Geschichte des Immobiliarkreditwesens in Preußen (n 9) 219.

When the creditworthiness of their debtor had deteriorated or when a better investment opportunity was available elsewhere, the creditors were able to terminate their loan by the next expiry date.

To make credit available on a larger scale, at lower interest rates and for longer durations, a better system of credit intermediation and more security for lenders were needed. To that end, new legislation on mortgages, bankruptcy and land registration was made and new institutes were founded which acted as intermediaries between the owners of Rittergüter and creditors: the so-called Landschaften.13

W von Brünneck, Die Pfandbriefsysteme der preußischen Landschaften (1910).

This broad development is often referred to as Bodenmobilisierung (translated as the mobilisation of the land), which means that the value of land became tradable. This was a central theme in 19th century legal and economic science.14

H Schulin, “Zur Entwicklung des Grundpfandrechts in der Schweiz”, in H Coing und W Wilhelm (eds), Wissenschaft und Kodifikation des Privatrechts im 19. Jahrhundert, Band III, Die rechtliche und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung des Grundeigentums und des Grundkredits (1976) at 373 et seq.

Every Landschaft had its own legislation but in general these institutes functioned as intermediaries and did not grant credit themselves.15

E Klein, Deutsche Bankengeschichte, Band 1, Von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des alten Reiches (1806) (1982) 298.

Often all owners of Rittergüter in the region for which the institute was established were compulsory members of the institute and were liable for all debts negotiated by the institute, even when they had not taken a loan themselves.

The first Landschaft to be established, the Silesian Landschaft,16

It was established by Frederic the Great by Cabinetts-Ordre of 29 August 1769.

did not give money to members who needed credit but Pfandbriefe, negotiable bond certificates. It was up to the debtor to find a creditor and sell the bond to him. At first the bond certificate specified the immovable objects which were mortgaged to the bond holder to secure the loan. Later on, however, the Landschaft
...

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