The Politics and Morality of ‘Live Aid’
| Published date | 01 October 1985 |
| DOI | 10.1111/j.1467-9256.1985.tb00107.x |
| Date | 01 October 1985 |
| Author | Timothy Kenyon |
| Subject Matter | Article |
THE
POLITICS
AND MORALITY
OF'LIVE
AID'
Timothy
Kenyon
Why should political scientists
qua
poli.tica1 scientists be interested
in a rock concert? For a number of reasons the 'Live Aid' spectacular of 13th
July is
of
interest and of significance. The principles underlying the
organisation
of
the event provide an insight into the complexities of some
broad questions
of
social morality. The very fact that the impetus both to
stage and
to
support the event came from a particular sector within western
society affords an insight into a reaction to perceived inadequacies in the
charitable disposition
cf
the prevailing market ethos.
The background to the concert, Michael Buerk's harrowing reports of the
Ethiopian disaster, the reaction of Bob Geldof, and the respective productions
by 'Band Aid' and
'USA
for Africa' of vastly successful fund-raising
recordings, has been well documented by the media. Significantly, Geldof, a
highly articulate member of the music world, appears to have been most
impressed by Buerk's portrayal of the Ethiopian famine as a situation evoking
a reaction according to which 'instinct took over from cerebral response'
(Radio Times,
13
July
1985).
speaking and disdain of hyperbole (nb. the derivation 'hype' upon which the
Geldof, an individual noted for his plain-
pop industry thrives) determined to stage a mammoth charity concert and fund-
raising appeal which exploited to the full the moral ambiguities evinced by
the indulgence of individuals in the prosperous North in a popular leisure-time
activity in the cause of relieving suffering within the impoverished South.
The theoretical and philosophical issues attending the purpose and
nature of 'Live Aid' are intricate. Many thousands of people are undoubtedly
being relieved of distress as a result of the Live Aid project.
whether this is as a direct consequence of their benefactors simply donating
goods, or as the indirect consequence of persons engaging in exchange
relationships often sustained by game-theoretical manoeuvres, has quite
deliberately been left open to question.
spirit of altruism and the propensities of the market (cf. Steiner,
1984,
pp
225-8).
Thus a good deal of the success of the 'Live Aid' project turned upon the
facility of the enterprise to derive advantage from the moral ambiguities
attending good works and charitable actions. The psychology of altruism,
particularly as expressed in charitable beneficience, is complex. This was
certainly apparent, for instance, to those medieval philosopher-theologians
who warned of the nullifying consequences of deriving self-gratification from
the performance of good works. This problem has arisen in conjunction with
the Live Aid project, but significantly the issue has been treated as a moral
nicety which is entirely secondary
to
the ultimate objective sustaining the
enterprise. Indeed, in many respects the whole point
of
Live
Aid
has involved
a quite indiscriminate endeavour to exploit the sense of well-being encouraged
by involvement with the event. The full potential of the 'hype' attending popu-
lar music has been utilised to further advance the cause of famine relief.
In devising Live Aid, Geldof has astutely seen to
it
that all those who
contributed in whatever sense received something tangible in return. In this
way, motives became secondary to results. This may sound cynical. However,
the interesting thing about Live Aid is that a situation was contrived in
which much good was achieved irrespective of the motives of the respective
individuals concerned. Indeed, the project afforded the luxury of enabling
individuals to perform altruistic actions without their needing
to
agonise
over their intentions. The concert effectively provided an excusing condition
via which those who enjoyed
it
were not obliged to concern themselves over the
However,
Live Aid has drawn upon both the
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