The Role of Women in Pursuing Scottish Criminal Actions, 1580–1650

Date01 May 2020
Pages232-250
DOI10.3366/elr.2020.0628
Published date01 May 2020
INTRODUCTION

Our understanding of the role of women in Scottish criminal law during the early-modern period has been significantly advanced in recent years. Elizabeth Ewan has previously looked at the role of women in pre-Reformation Scotland in the context of interpersonal violence, particularly women being accused of assault before the sheriff courts in Aberdeen.1 Andrea Knox has examined the perceptions of female criminality and the punishment of women offenders in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Scotland, England and Ireland.2 Anne-Marie Kilday has looked at the role of women in violent crimes such as robbery and violence against the perpetrator's parents in Scotland and England in 1700–1850.3 This academic discourse provides great insight into gender as a factor in previously under-researched areas of the history of criminal law, particularly regarding the role of women in relation to ‘atypical’ crimes and as victims or perpetrators of crime. However, there has been little examination of the role of women in the prosecution of crime in early-modern Scotland. Only Julian Goodare has examined this question, concluding that women could not raise criminal actions based on his examination of witchcraft cases.4

However, the archival records do suggest that women could raise criminal actions. Indeed, this can be shown with regard to the example of homicide cases. The records of the Justiciary Court (Scotland's central criminal court) from 1580–16505 reveal that 1,139 such actions were raised. The records of the Justiciary Court typically list the pursuers of a criminal action,6 and indeed records of 920 (81%) of these homicide cases do so.7 Women pursued either on their own or as part of a group in 239 of these cases, which equates to 26% of those which recorded the pursuer. A reconsideration of the role of women in pursuing criminal actions therefore seems both necessary and timely.

This article will therefore review the question of women's involvement in the prosecution of crime in early-modern Scotland, with respect to those homicide actions. It will argue that the records show that women were actively engaging in raising criminal proceedings and thereby had a significant role in the prosecution of crime. In doing so, it challenges current understanding, contributing to an under-researched area of Scottish legal history.

This article will, first, provide a brief summary of the way in which actions were raised and how standing to sue in such actions was established before the Justiciary Court during the period under review. It will examine the types of roles in which women pursued in criminal actions before the Justiciary Court, as sole pursuer and as part of mixed gendered groups. This will allow for comparisons to be made regarding male pursuers in similar circumstances. The article will also take the opportunity to reflect on women's role in pursuing crime beyond the Justiciary Court. It will, finally, re-examine contemporaneous legal literature and comment on the arguments made therein.

Wider questions regarding the scope of these offences, such as the impact of conceptual ideas of Canon or Roman law, are beyond the scope of this study.

PURSUING A CRIMINAL ACTION AND STANDING TO SUE

It is necessary for context to briefly explain how a criminal action was pursued before the Justiciary Court in early-modern Scotland. These procedures differed to those of the modern superior criminal court, the High Court of Justiciary.

In the early-modern period, someone wishing to bring a criminal case to the Justiciary Court had to produce an instrument setting out the formal written accusation of the crime and the substantive points of law upon which the case would be centred; these instruments were called the ‘criminal letters’ or ‘dittay’.8 The letters were likely drafted by the Lord Justice Clerk and his administrative officers within the burghs,9 then served on the accused. The criminal letters continued to have central importance throughout the progress of the action. For example, the factual claim as set out therein carried significant evidential weight, without needing further support to be brought by the pursuer during the substantive hearings.10

In addition to obtaining the criminal letters, a pursuer had to have ‘standing’, namely the legal right to raise a criminal action before the Justiciary Court.11 The most common way in which standing was established was through proving a familial relationship between a private pursuer and the deceased, either through consanguinity or affinity. The Crown (in the person of the King's Advocate or his deputy) also had standing to bring criminal actions, as part of the general exercise of royal duty and its interest in ensuring that justice was administered across the country. To provide a sense of scale, of the 1,139 aforementioned homicide actions heard by the Justiciary Court during the period under review, 785 (69%) were raised by private pursuers without the involvement of the King's Advocate, 275 (24%) were raised by private pursuers with the King's Advocate, and only 100 (9%) were raised by the King's Advocate alone.

Other individuals sometimes joined the pursuer (whether a private pursuer or the Crown) to add ‘sufficiency’ through their additional interest in justice being served. Thus, for example, a father whose son was murdered would have had standing to sue for the death, while other close family members (such as the deceased's uncle) might have joined in the prosecution to add sufficiency to the suit. The involvement of the wider family was not, however, necessary to raise a successful criminal action in the early-modern period.

WOMEN PURSUING IN HOMICIDE ACTIONS

The evidence already provided proves that women could raise criminal actions. However, there remains the question as to the circumstances in which they could do so. First, this article will show that women sometimes raised the action on their own, but more frequently did so in groups with other pursuers. Secondly, it will examine women's raising of criminal actions with respect to their relationships to the deceased. Finally, it will reflect on the impact of cultural and social norms on women's propensity to raise criminal actions.

Women standing alone and in groups

The Justiciary Court records show that women were found alone and within groups in the pursuit of homicide.12 Indeed, an examination of the records shows that women were sole pursuers in a total of twenty-nine cases (3% of those which recorded a pursuer)13 and 210 cases (23% of those which recorded a pursuer)14 had at least one woman acting within a group for the pursuit of a case concerning a dead relative. This can be compared to the 375 (33%) of all actions in which the King's Advocate had a role in the pursuit of the case;15 that women appear in pursuit of almost the same percentage of cases as the King's Advocate during the same period provides some insight into women's importance in this role. However, women did not pursue criminal actions with the same frequency as men. There were 234 actions (25% of those which recorded a pursuer) raised by a single male pursuer and 297 actions raised (32% of those which recorded a pursuer) were by an all-male group for the pursuit of a case concerning a deceased relation.16 As will be discussed below, this difference may reflect an overarching social and cultural distinction in gender roles rather than a legal difference.

Nonetheless, it is notable that in each of the aforementioned cases, the female pursuers were successful in raising the action, and neither the accused parties nor their lawyers in any of these cases raised an objection on the basis of the women's legal standing. This indicates that women had standing to raise criminal actions. It is also notable that, when women pursued a criminal action on their own, there is no discernable difference between their standing, attendance in court and relevant procedural requirements from that of single male pursuers in the same period.

Women's relation to the deceased

The most common instance in which women pursued criminal actions was as the widow of her slain husband. Twenty-three actions, of the twenty-nine discussed above, contained a woman (on her own) pursuing for the death of her husband.17 Meanwhile, of the 210 cases brought during the period under review by a...

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