Transnational political engagement
| Date | 01 September 2017 |
| Published date | 01 September 2017 |
| Author | Newly Paul,Mingxiao Sui |
| DOI | 10.1177/2057891116653493 |
| Subject Matter | Research articles |
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics
2017, Vol. 2(3) 273–292
Transnational political
ª The Author(s) 2016
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engagement: Asian
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DOI: 10.1177/2057891116653493
Americans’ participation
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in US politics and in the
politics of their nation
of origin
Mingxiao Sui
Manship School of Mass Communication, Louisiana State University, USA
Newly Paul
Department of Communication, Appalachian State University, USA
Abstract
Asian Americans are in the unique position of participating in American politics as well as politics
related to their nation of origin. However, there is a lack of consensus about the factors that are
likely to make this group participate in homeland or US politics. We examine this question using
data drawn from the 2008 National Asian American Survey (NAAS). Results suggest that Asian
Americans’ participation in homeland politics is positively related to their involvement in US
politics. Specifically, we find that immigrants who have prior political experience in their nation of
origin and high exposure to political discussion after migration are likely to engage in activities
related to the politics of both America and their nation of origin. We also find that English- and
ethnic-language media use affects Asian Americans’ participation in US and homeland politics,
suggesting the importance of including exposure to news media when studying immigrants’ political
behaviors.
Keywords
American politics, Asian American, ethnic media and politics, political participation, politics of
nation of origin, transnational politics
Corresponding author:
Mingxiao Sui, Manship School of Mass Communication, Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, LA 70808, USA.
Email: msui1@lsu.edu
274
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2(3)
Transnational politics – which refers to immigrants’ practice of maintaining political relations and
identities between their homelands and the countries where they ultimately settle – is an important
part of Asian Americans’ political activism (Collet and Lien, 2009). Since immigrants’ political
acts often occur in US and abroad, transnational politics provides a more comprehensive presenta-
tion of Asian Americans’ political behavior (Collet and Lien, 2009). Recent changes in commu-
nication technology, lower transportation costs, and government policies allowing expat voting
rights (Glickhouse and Keller, 2012) have made it easier for immigrants to maintain strong ties and
to vote in their homeland as well as in their host countries. Given this background, it is important to
reexamine the factors that encourage Asian Americans to engage in the politics of homeland
nations and of the United States. While extant work has explored the impact of several factors
affecting transnational political participation, such as ties with the homeland, level of education,
socioeconomic status, and length of residence in the US (Wong et al., 2011; see Leighley and
Vedlitz, 1999 for a review), this study adds to current literature by examining the influence of
homeland electoral systems and ethnic-language media use.
The nature of homeland electoral systems, a well-documented area in comparative politics,
plays an important role in political participation rates. As several scholars (see, for example, Karp
and Banducci, 2008; Norris, 2002) point out, countries that follow proportional representation are
linked with higher political efficacy and citizen involvement in politics, while those that follow
majoritarian systems discourage plurality and are linked with lower rates of political participation.
In addition, electoral systems that encourage competitive party systems and regular national
contests, and where the electoral costs are lower – e.g. the ‘time, energies and informational
demands required to register and cast a ballot’ (Norris, 2003: 134) are low – tend to encourage
higher participation rates among voters. Since Asian Americans originate from diverse countries
with distinct electoral systems, they may have different degrees of political socialization. Thus
their participation in the politics of the US and of their homeland nations may vary depending on
their country of origin.
Political systems may also affect a country’s media system (Hallin and Mancini, 2004), thus
indirectly influencing whether and how news media relate to individuals’ political behaviors i.e.
political engagement. Compared to media systems that are government-controlled, run purely by
corporate interests, or lack well-developed professional norms and routines for journalists, the US
media system is sophisticated and operates on free market principles. As the US media system
enjoys a relative autonomy and encourages plurality of ideas and ownership, ethnic media have
flourished in the US. Beyond the languages they are presented in, ethnic-language media differ
from the mainstream English-language media in many aspects, i.e. they cater to a narrow group
of ethnic audiences and follow an advocacy style of reporting that is distinct from mainstream
newspapers (Abrajano and Singh, 2009; Branton and Dunaway, 2008). Given variation in news
content, we expect ethnic- and English-language media to be likely to have a distinct impact on
political mobilization, affecting immigrants’ participation in US and homeland politics in dif-
ferent ways.
Transnational politics is of great importance to our understanding of immigrants’ political
activism in the United States, especially for Asian Americans who remain poorly represented in
US politics despite their growing populations. An older school of thought contends that non-white,
non-English-speaking immigrants with strong ties to their native developing nations could erode
American national identity (Huntington, 2004). But scholarly work in transnational politics indi-
cates the contrary. In particular, Asian Americans’ involvement in the politics of their home nation
is positively associated with political participation and organizational activity in the US (Collet and
Sui and Paul
275
Lien, 2009). Over time, migrants’ involvement in politics related to their countries of origin serves
as an ‘apprenticeship in US politics,’ and gives them the ‘contacts and competencies’ they need to
associate deeply with US politics (Waldinger, 2014: 26). Even though Asian Americans may lag
behind other ethnic groups in terms of participation in US politics, their engagement in homeland
politics helps boost their socialization into US society. This also carries implications for Asian
Pacific bilateral relationships with the United States (Collet and Lien, 2009).
Ethnic-language media use and political participation
The effects of media exposure on political attitude and political behavior have been widely studied
among American citizens (e.g. Bartels, 1993; De Vreese and Boomgaarden, 2006; Morris, 2007;
Stroud, 2008), but we know relatively little about how media exposure influences immigrants’
participation in political activities related to their home nations. Extant studies indicate that
exposure to political news increases political knowledge (Prior, 2007), turnout rates (De Vreese
and Boomgaarden, 2006), and political mobilization (Newton, 1999). We expect media exposure
to have similar effects on Asian Americans, but depending on whether they rely on ethnic- or
English-language media for political information. Our expectation stems from studies that show
that ethnic- and English-language media often cover different issues depending on their target
audiences (e.g. Abrajano and Singh, 2009; Branton and Dunaway, 2008), as well as extant work
that suggests the differentiated functions of English- versus ethnic-language media (e.g. Jeffres,
2000; Matsaganis et al., 2010; Viswanath and Arora, 2000).
Rapid changes in communication technologies – i.e. the Internet – have broken down geogra-
phical barriers, providing immigrants with an array of media choices to acquire information
(Viswanath and Arora, 2000), including mainstream US media, ethnic media, and homeland
media. Increasingly, immigrant populations tend to rely on ethnic-language media rather than
English-language media. A March 2005 report by New California Media found that 45 percent
of all African American, Hispanic, Asian American, Native American, and Arab American adults
prefer ethnic television, radio, or newspapers compared to mainstream English news (New Cali-
fornia Media, 2005). In a series of interviews with first generation Asian Americans, Shi (2005)
found that a large number of them relied on ethnic media for entertainment and news about their
homeland. In comparison, they found English-language media difficult to understand because of
cultural and linguistic barriers, and did not identify with the images and messages broadcast,
because the programs lacked objectivity and tended to stereotype Asian countries.
Ethnic media – which tend to cover issues and perspectives related to people of color (Wilson
et al., 2013), in immigrants’ ethnic languages – thus emerge as an alternative to the mainstream US
media. The variations between ethnic- and English-language media go beyond the differentiated
languages they are presented in. Indeed, due to differences in ownership, targeted audiences, and
the composition of newsroom staff (Ojo, 2006), ethnic- and English-language media vary greatly
in the news content they offer, and in the ways in which they frame issues. For example, in order to
serve ethnic audiences who are often in need of...
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