V International Relations / Relations Internationales
| Published date | 01 February 2019 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451906900105 |
| Date | 01 February 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
93
V
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internatio nales
69.887 AHOUGA, Younes — The local turn in migration man-
agement: the IOM and the engagement of local authori-
ties. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 44(9), 2018 :
1523-1540.
Migration management subsumes a set of discourses and institutions
that aim to coordinate states’ regulation of international migration. How-
ever, this paradigm is increasingly recognizing the importance of the
local scale and its actors. This "local turn" in migration management
underlines the necessity for local actors to adapt in order to gain resili-
ence to migration shocks. Grounded theoretically in the Cultural Political
Economy approach, this paper examines how the International Organiza-
tion for Migration (IOM) is trying to engage local actors in a neoliberal
spatio-temporal arrangement. This arrangement reduces the complexity
of migration by apprehending the global as the domain of relentless
migration flows and the local as a field where pragmatic and partnership-
based solutions can be implemented by local actors. [R, abr.]
69.888 ARBATOV, Alexei G. — Threats to strategic stability —
imaginary and real. Polis (Moscow) 2018(3) : 7-29.
The practical concept of “strategic stability” was born in the late 1980s in
the context of US-Soviet START-I negotiations to serve as a foundation
of deep strategic arms reductions. In the joint US-Soviet Statement of
June 1990, ”stability” was defined as a state of strategic relations that is
“removing incentives for a nuclear first strike". Alas, during the elapsed
time US and Russian understanding of this notion has diverged and
presently has virtually no common ground left. The effort to sustain this
concept should be implemented through the revived US-Russia dialogue.
Obviously, the 1990 version of strategic stability has to be updated and
refined to take into account some new developments that occurred
during the elapsed time, in particular the deployment of BMD by the US,
Russia, and some other nations. [R, abr.]
69.889 ARCOS, Rubén ; PALACIOS, José-Miguel — The impact of
intelligence on decision-making: the EU and the Arab
Spring. Intelligence and National Security 33(5), Aug. 2018 :
737-754.
This article examines the 2007 EU all-source intelligence assessment
"Worst Case Scenarios for the Narrower Middle East" and the lack of
policy response to the warning provided. SIT-6577/07 mostly predicted
and provided forewarning on some of the events lately known as the
Arab Spring, as well as a rise of anti-European terrorism, and an in-
crease of refugees and migrants in the European Union. The article
offers a post-mortem analysis of the key judgments and main findings of
the most significant intelligence product declassified by the EU and
discusses the main question: Why the warning was not effective? [R]
69.890 BEACH, Derek ; HANSEN, Kasper M. ; LARSEN, Martin V.
— How campaigns enhance European issues voting dur-
ing European Parliament elections. Political Science Re-
search and Methods 6(4), Oct. 2018 : 791-808.
Based on findings from the literature on campaign effects on the one
hand, and the literature on EP elections on the other, we propose a
model of EP elections in which the campaign shift the calculus of elec-
toral support, making differences in national political allegiances less
important and attitudes about the European project more important by
informing voters of and getting them interested in European politics. In
effect, we argue that the political campaign leading up to the election
makes EP elections less second-order. While previous studies have
demonstrated that EU issues can matter for voting behavior in EP elec-
tions, existing research has drawn on post-election surveys that do not
enable us to capture campaign effects. [R, abr.]
69.891 BELL, Sam R. ; FLYNN, Michael E. ; MARTINEZ MACHAIN,
Carla — UN peacekeeping forces and the demand for sex
trafficking. International Studies Quarterly 62(3), Sept.
2018 : 643-655.
UN peacekeeping missions succeed in preventing the resumption of
conflict and saving lives. At the same time, a series of sexual exploitation
and abuse scandals since the early 2000s has raised concerns about the
conduct of peacekeepers. We examine a related, but generally over-
looked, potential negative externality of peacekeeping missions: the
forced trafficking of sex workers. We argue that UN peacekeepers in-
crease demand for sex work and that this demand may be met through
human trafficking for forced prostitution. Using data on UN peacekeeping
missions between 2001 and 2011, we evaluate the effect of a peace-
keeper presence on human sex trafficking in and around the host state.
We find that the presence of UN peacekeeping forces correlates positive-
ly with a state being cited as a destination for forced prostitution. [R, abr.]
69.892 BELLAMY, Richard ; LACEY, Joseph — Balancing the
rights and duties of European and national citizens: a
demoicratic approach. Journal of European Public Policy
25(10), 2018 : 1403-1421.
How should we conceive of the relationship between European citizen-
ship and national citizenship from a normative perspective? While the
Treaties assert the supplementary nature of European citizenship vis-à-
vis national citizenship, advocates of trans- and supra-national citizen-
ship perspectives have agreed with the European Court of Justice that
Union citizenship will ultimately supplant or subsume national citizenship.
By contrast, we draw upon demoicratic and stakeholder citizenship
theories to defend the primacy of national over European citizenship.
Taking the cases of political and welfare rights, we argue that member
states may have special duties to second-country nationals stemming
from a European social contract, but that these duties must be balanced
against the rights and duties of national citizens stemming from the
national social contract. [R] [See Abstr. 69.941]
69.893 BERDAL, Mats — The state of UN peacekeeping: lessons
from Congo. Journal of Strategic Studies 41(5), Aug. 2018 :
721-750.
The article considers the state of UN peacekeeping through the prism of
its long-running operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo
(DRC). Focusing in particular on the challenges raised by use of force
and the protection of civilians in conditions of ongoing a rmed conflict, it
argues that UN field operations must be aligned much more closely than
they have been over the past 15 years to political and diplomatic efforts
aimed at securing viable political settlements to internal conflict. The
issues raised by the history of the UN’s troubled mission in the DRC are
deeply relevant to the wider discussion of the organization’s role in the
field of peace and security. [R]
69.894 BERNSTEIN, Tanja — Friedens- und Entwicklungsberater
als Präventionsinstrument (Peace and Development Ad-
visor as a prevention instrument). Vereinte Nationen 66(4),
2018 : 167-172.
UN Secretary General António Guterres took office in January 2017,
determined to prioritize conflict-prevention as a key objective of the UN
system. Guterres stressed that prevention activities should cut cross all
pillars of the UN's work to help countries avert the outbreak of crises.
This article focuses on one such practical prevention tool and a cross-
pillar effort — the Peace and Development Advisors (PDAs), which are
deployed through a Joint Program of the UN Development Program
(UNDP) and the UN Department of Political Affairs (DPA). While small in
number, the deployment of these civilian experts is a practical and
effective example of how conflict prevention can be operationalized on
the ground. [R]
69.895 BERTELSMANN-SCOTT, Talitha, et al. — The impact of
plurilateral trade agreements on developing countries —
to participate or not to participate ? South African Journal
of International Affairs 25(2), June 2018 : 177-198.
In the wake of the impasse in the Doha Development Round of m ultilat-
eral trade talks, sector-specific plurilateral trade agreements (PTAs) have
been gaining traction. However, PTAs mostly appeal to developed
countries. This article investigates the factors contributing to such a
phenomenon. Among the findings was that although, according to the
qualitative analysis, policymakers are generally disinterested in the four
PTAs because they are not aligned to the countries’ economic interests
International relations
94
or they threaten policy space, the quantitative analysis revealed that
gains could often be made from more active participation in these
agreements. This clearly points to a research gap and highlights the
need for more in-depth analysis of the potential of PTAs in the develop-
ing world. [R, abr.]
69.896 BLANQUET, Marc — L'Union européeenne est-elle une
Communauté? est-elle une communauté? (Is the Euro-
pean Union a Community? Is it a community?). Revue du
Marché commun et de l'Union européenne 621, Sept. 2018 :
507-516.
Is the EU set up by the Treaty of Lisbon still a Community in the sense of
respecting the original "Community model"? If one can doubt its orthodox
respect for this method, the EU, in contrast, in its structure and its legal
system, remains in a real specificity compared to intergovernmental and
international method. In this sense, it remains a Community. In this
Union a community in the sense that it is fundamentally based on a
pooling of values, on a common law, a common exercise of sovereign
rights, a community of destiny? Such a community is essential to under-
standing European integration but today appears to be neglected,
threatened or denied: the EU is not a tru e community. [R] [See Abstr.
69.1095]
69.897 BLAUBERGER, Michael — ECJ Judges read the morning
papers. Explaining the turnaround of European citizen-
ship jurisprudence. Journal of European Public Policy
25(10), 2018 : 1422-1441.
Recent jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) marks a
striking shift towards a more restrictive interpretation of EU citizens’
rights. Several recent studies on the ECJ have argued that the Court is
largely constrained by member state governments’ threats of legislative
override and non-compliance. We show that an additional mechanism is
necessary to explain the Court's turnaround on citizenship. While the
ECJ extended EU citizens’ rights even against strong opposition by
member state governments, its recent shift reflects changes in the
broader political context, i.e., the politicization of free movement in the
EU. The article theorizes Court responsiveness to politicization and
demonstrates empirically, how the Court's jurisprudence corresponds
with changing public debates about EU citizenship. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
69.941]
69.898 BÖHMELT, Tobias ; FREYBURG, Tina — Forecasting
candidate states’ compliance with EU accession rules,
2017-2050. Journal of European Public Policy 25(11), 2018 :
1667-1685.
The EU is said to be tired of enlargement — but how likely is it that a
candidate would be ready to join within 10, 15 or more years? This
research forecasts how prospective members are likely able to perform
in implementing EU law until 2050. Using compliance data of all states
from the 2004, 2007 and 2013 accession rounds, as well as of five
current/potential candidates, we construct an empirical model on candi-
dates’ ability to comply with the acquis communautaire. We employ in-
sample and out-of-sample techniques to ensure high model prediction
accuracy and, ultimately, forecast the five candidates’ potential compli-
ance levels in 2017-2050. Our research shows that only one candidate
might sufficiently be able to comply with the accession criteria until 2023,
while many are unlikely to be ready before the mid-2030s. [R, abr.]
69.899 BREITEGGER, Melina — Democracy promotion through
regional organisations: a missed opportunity for South
African and Brazilian leadership? South African Journal of
International Affairs 25(2), June 2018 : 219-238.
What role do regional powers Brazil and South Africa play in democracy
promotion in their respective regions, South America and Africa? While
both Brazil and South Africa played an important role in building regional
institutions’ normative frameworks for democracy promotion, most
notably within the Union of South American Nations and the African
Union, their leadership applying these frameworks within regional organ-
izations is inconsistent. South Africa is trapped between regional and
global expectations; Brazil’s leadership lacks commitment. The interplay
of domestic, regional and international politics needs to be scrutinized to
explain why South African and Brazilian regional leadership falls behind
expectations. [R]
69.900 BUCHET, Antoine — La réforme des pouvoirs conférés à
la Commission européenne, entre métamorphose et ré-
miniscence (Reform of the powers conferred on the Eu-
ropean Commission: between metamorphosis and remi-
niscence). Cahiers de Droit européen 54(1), 2018 : 205-
250.
The renovation of the EU governance did not give rise to a simple and
uncontentious system: Parliament, Council and Commission continue to
struggle with serious political and legal issues and have been so far
unable to conclude a long-lasting peace agreement. The more traditional
comitology procedures are not exempted from the post-Lisbon turmoil.
The reform adopted in 2011 has been well accepted, but some more
fundamental problems of comitology remain unsolved, in particular where
the member states could neither muster a majority in favor or against a
draft implementing act submitted by the Commission. The sharing of
responsibilities in the decision-making process is one of the most sensi-
tive issues to be tackled in the near future. [R]
69.901 CHANDLER, Andrea — What kind of friendship is this?
Russia’s “Crimean Syndrome”. European Security 27(2),
June 2018 : 201-223.
Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea without the consent of Ukraine was
a rare case of a state taking territory from a state with whom it previously
enjoyed friendly relations. The paper seeks to explain the causes and
consequences of this annexation by examining theories of democratic
peace, constructivism and irredentism. In 1971, political scientist Myron
Weiner published an article “The Macedonian syndrome [: an historical
model of international relations and political deve lopment]” in the journal
World Politics [23(4), July 1971: 665-683). In particular, the paper exam-
ines the applicability of Weiner’s theses to Russia’s 2014 attempt to
annex Crimea from Ukraine. While Weiner’s theory helps to explain
Russia’s moves, his theory can be updated to consider the consequenc-
es of those moves. [R, abr.]
69.902 CHEN Iris Xuechen — The role of ASEAN’s identities in
reshaping the ASEAN-EU relationship. Contemporary
Southeast Asia 40(2), Aug. 2018 : 222-246.
In 2017, ASEAN and the EU celebrated the fortieth anniversary of dia-
logue relations. However, it is only in the past decade that ASEAN’s
strategic importance in the EU’s external relations has grown. Given the
limited scholarly attention that has been devoted to this change in
ASEAN-EU relations, this article explores why there has been a greater
level of engagement and approximation between the EU and ASEAN. In
particular, it asks why the EU, which had long been reluctant to recognize
ASEAN as a strategic partner, has changed its policy towards ASEAN.
Looking beyond the conventional Eurocentric explanations, this article
draws on constructivism — which focuses on the role of perceptions and
identities in shaping international politics — and argues that ASEAN’s
identities have played a significant role in reshaping ASEAN-EU interac-
tions. [R, abr.]
69.903 COREMANS, Evelyn ; MEISSNER, Katharina Luise —
Putting power into practice: administrative and political
capacity building in the European Parliament's Commit-
tee for International Trade. Public Administration 96(3),
2018 : 561-577.
As the formal powers of the EP have increased with successive treaty
changes, its committees' administrations have seen a parallel growth. We
argue that administrative capacity has to be combined with political
capacity in order to muster policy impact in EU decision -making. By
differentiating between intra-institutional administrative and inter-
institutional political capacity, we offer a fine-grained conceptualization of
policy capacity while broadening the theoretical and empirical under-
standing of the EP's administration as an organizational structure of
formal and informal working practices. Based on expert interviews,
document analysis and participant observation, the case of the Transat-
lantic Trade and Investment Partnership illustrates how societal politiciza-
tion of a specific policy issue triggered the EP to exploit the latent poten-
tial of its post-Lisbon administrative capacity by transforming it into a
more readily deployable political capacity. [R, abr.]
69.904 CRAM, Ian — Protocol 15 and articles 10 and 11 ECHR —
the partial triumph of political incumbency post-
Brighton? International and Comparative Law Quarterly
67(3), July 2018 : 477-503.
Protocol 15 inserts a new recital into the Preamble of the European
Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), which affirms the primacy of
national authorities in securing the effective realization of Convention
rights. The article discusses the context for Protocol 15, notably the
Brighton Declaration, and the democratic principles it engages. A selec-
tive retreat from substantive supranational review towards systemic
supranational review in political expression cases may be occurring. The
article questions the emerging pattern by which newer and transitional
democracies remain subject to strict levels of supranational scrutiny,
whilst their more established counterparts look set to be the main benefi-
ciaries. [R]
69.905 DAVIES, Gareth — Has the Court changed, or have the
cases? The deservingness of litigants as an element in
Court of Justice citizenship adjudication. Journal of Euro-
pean Public Policy 25(10), 2018 : 1442-1460.
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