V: International Relations Relations Internationales
| Date | 01 June 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800305 |
| Published date | 01 June 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Article |
V
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
68.3867
ALAGÖZ, Emine Akçadaǧ — Smart power potential of the
EU: example of the operation EUFOR Althea in Bosnia
The article examines how states talk about the International Criminal
and Herzegovina. Ankara Avrupa Çalişmalari Dergisi 16(2),
Court (ICC) through the lens of Albert Hirschman’s exit, voice and loyalty
2017 : 1-24.
framework. Based on a content-analysis of country statements about the
ICC from 2002 to 2016, I show that support for the Court remains high
Despite growing interest in the concept of smart power, scholarly works
cross-regional y and longitudinal y. Exit rhetoric remains low and only
on the substance and definition of this concept are limited. In this paper,
recently entered the Court discourse. Exit is moderated by states’ high
the EU's exercise of smart power will be analyzed through the EU's
loyalty to the Court and the underlying individual accountability norm.
comprehensive approach in crisis management, using the EUFOR
Voice is used widely as states criticize the Court, but more so the UN
Althea operation as a case study. The paper demonstrates the EU4’s
Security Council and other states for their lack of cooperation. I argue
smart power potential and contribute to a better understanding of the
that applying Hirschman’s framework to the Court necessitates a rethink-
concept of smart power which is still in the nascent state. [R]
ing of exit and voice calculations. [R, abr.]
68.3868
ANDERSEN, Louise Riis — The HIPPO in the room: the
pragmatic push-back from the UN peace bureaucracy
68.3872
BRAML, Josef — Amerikas Forderung nach UN-Reformen
against the militarization of UN peacekeeping. Interna-
(America's call for UN reform). Vereinte Nationen 66(1),
tional Affairs 94(2), March 2018 : 343-361.
2018 : 9-14.
Focusing on the UN peace bureaucracy, this article contributes to the
Since the founding of the UN, the US has used its military and financial
debate on the future of UN peace operations and the pragmatic turn in
leverage to ensure that the international organization remains an instru-
peace-building. It asks for what purpose the international civil servants
ment to enforce American interests. US President D. Trump's "transac-
working for the UN wish the world body to be fit. Zooming in on the
tional leadership" style is in line with the traditional instrumental under-
review conducted by the High-level Independent Panel on Peace Opera-
standing of politics prevalent among the US political elite and its popula-
tions (HIPPO) in 2014-2015, the article interprets the HIPPO as a delib-
tion. In accordance with a dominant position among nations, most Ameri-
erate push-back against the Security Council's robust turn to stabiliza-
cans believe that the US is exceptional — to safeguard their God-given
tion. To counter this militarized form of pragmatism, the HIPPO produced
national sovereignty, and to inspire the world with their unique values. [R]
an alternative — more UN-like — yet stil pragmatic vision of the future
role of UN peace operations in the 21st c. The article suggests that the
68.3873
CHEN Liang-Chih Evans — Examining the impact of the
exact role of the UN in this move remains contested — with UN officials
US return to Asia on Sino-Japanese strategic competition
actively contributing to the contestations. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.3156]
(2011-2016) — a perspective of the security dilemma the-
ory. EurAmerica 47(4), Dec. 2017 : 471-527.
68.3869
BEASLEY, Ryan K. ; KAARBO, Juliet — Casting for a
This paper argues that as Washington pivots to the Asia-Pacific, Sino-
sovereign role: socialising an aspirant state in the Scot-
Japanese strategic competition deteriorates quickly. Previously, the US-
tish independence referendum. European Journal of Inter-
Japan alliance, as described by Thomas Christensen ["China, the US-
national Relations 24(1), March 2018 : 8-32.
Japan alliance, and the security dilemma in East Asia", International
This article examines international reactions to Scotland’s 2014 bid for
Security 23(4), Spring 1999: 49-80; Abstr. 50.1144], possessed dual
independence as an instance of socialisation of an aspirant state, what
deterrence and was able to preserve peace and stability in East Asia,
we term ‘pre-socialisation’. Building on and contributing to research on
deterring military threats from China and North Korea, and preventing the
state socialisation and role theory, this study proposes a nexus between
remilitarization of Japan. Currently, however, these functions have been
roles and sovereignty. This nexus has three components: sovereignty
disrupted by China's military modernization, and challenged by Japan's
itself is a role casted for by an actor; the sovereign role is entangled with
security transformation. Beijing's rise, economically and military, is subtly
the substantive foreign policy roles the actor might play; and the sover-
undermining Christensen's 1999 argument that the US-Japan alliance
eign role implicates the substantive foreign policy roles of other actors.
could resolve problems associated with China-Japan security dilemma
The Scottish debate on independence provides an effective laboratory to
and lower the likelihood of arms races, military, confrontations, and war
develop and explore these theoretical dimensions of pre-socialisation,
between these two nations. [R, abr.]
revealing the contested value and meaning of sovereignty, the possible
roles that an independent Scotland could play, and the projected implica-
68.3874
CROSSETTE, Barbara — Trump und die Vereinten Natio-
tions for the role of the UK and other international actors. [R, abr.]
nen (Trump and the United Nations). Vereinte Nationen
66(1), 2018 : 3-7.
68.3870
BICQUELET, Aude ; ADDISON, Helen — Are discretionary
At the start of 2017, the UN had a new secretary-general very experi-
referendums on EU integration becoming "politically ob-
enced in both national politics and the work of the organization. The US
ligatory"? The cases of France and the UK. Parliamentary
was about to inaugurate a president who had no political or foreign policy
Affairs 71(2), Apr. 2018 : 219-242.
experience. It was obviously going to be an interesting year. When 2017
Recent studies have suggested that governments may cal referendums
ended, the UN and other international organizations were under dis-
on matters of European Union (EU) integration because contextual
missive criticism and a financial squeeze by a president whose slogan
circumstances make direct votes ‘politically obligatory’ as ruling politi-
was "America First" and whose priorities were often in conflict with the
cians increasingly believe them to be the ‘appropriate’ decision-making
UN's programs and ideals. Moreover, the UN had to operate against the
mechanism. This study contests this claim based on the observation of
backdrop of unprecedented chaos in American politics. For the Trump
two countries, France and the UK. The constitutions of both countries
administration, its nationalist agenda and undiplomatic, sometimes
enshrine different, long-standing and equally legitimate interpretations of
insulting, style angered many UN members and left the US isolated, even
the concepts of sovereignty and political representation. Legislators draw
among its traditional allies, on important global issues. [R]
on these conflicting interpretations to argue for either direct public ballots
or parliamentary vote, and they deploy their arguments strategically to
68.3875
CRUMP, Larry ; DOWNIE, Christian — The G20 chair and
build a rhetorical case for the decision-making mechanism that suits their
the case of the global Economic Steering Committee.
party’s interests. Contrary to the ‘politically obligatory referendum’ hy-
Global Society 32(1), Jan. 2018 : 23-46.
pothesis, governments have greater freedom to choose whether and
when to use referendums strategical y to achieve their domestic and
Global and regional summits occur regularly, yet we know little about the
European policy objectives. [R]
factors supporting an effective summit. This article reviews knowledge
about the chair, agenda-building and pre-negotiation preparation within
an institutionalized regime, and then turns to our venue, the G20, and our
68.3871
BOEHME, Franziska — Exit, voice and loyalty: state
specific case, the 2014 G20 Australian presidency. Through case-
rhetoric about the International Criminal Court. Interna-
analysis, we develop a Pre-negotiation Framework, identifying tasks and
tional Journal of Human Rights 22(3), March 2018 : 420-445.
key issues that are usefully addressed during summit preparation. Fur-
396
Relations internationales
thermore, we identify a linked relationship between the chair, their man-
sentative and represented can adversely impact the managerial function
agement of pre-negotiation planning, the agenda that is adopted and the
of representatives. [R, abr.]
way in which that agenda determines public perception of the fundamen-
tal nature or “identity” of a particular international organization. Thus, the
pre-negotiation process can have significant consequences for our
68.3881
DURAC, Vincent — Counterterrorism and democracy: EU
...
To continue reading
Request your trial