V: International Relations/Relations Internationales
| Published date | 01 December 2016 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451606600605 |
| Date | 01 December 2016 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
749
V
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES
(a) International law, organization and administration / Droit international, organisation et administration internationales
66.7114 ABDENUR, Adriana Erthal — Emerging powers and the
creation of the UN: three ships of Theseus. Third World
Quarterly 37(7), 2016 : 1171-1186.
Drawing on Plutarch’s "ship of Theseus" paradox, this article analyzes
how, and the extent to which, Brazilian, Chinese and Indian representa-
tives influenced key debates leading up to the UN’s foundation. At the
time Brazil was ruled by a fascist-inspired military regime, yet it had
supported Allied efforts during World War II; China was split among
Nationalists and Communists; and India was still a British colony. These
national delegations reflected the main social and political struggles of
their respective countries. While these three countries were able to
influence the design, procedures and substance of the burgeoning
organization, their agency was limited by their primary focus on internal
issues. By comparison, in the present era they have been able to extend
their influence in global governance debates by coordinating certain
reformist positions. [R] [See Abstr. 66.6251]
66.7115 ACHENBACH, Jelena von — Verfassungswandel durch
Selbstorganisation: Triloge im europäischen Gesetzge-
bungsverfahren (Constitutional change through self-
organizations: trialogue in European constitution-
making). Der Staat 55(1), 2016 : 1-39.
Political procedures have a momentum of their own, which is largely due
to the self-organization of the actors involved in policy-formation. The
latter entails real and significant risks in terms of the democratic function-
ing of the law-making process. This article analyzes the changes of
constitutional procedures through self-organization and focuses particu-
larly in a phenomenon that the author has called “triloge”. Triloge refers
to the self-organized work of the EP, the Council and the Commission in
the European legislative process, which, by means of legal and factual
“de-formalizations” and “re-formalizations”, is creating a con stitutional
change de facto.]
66.7116 ADEBAJO, Adekeye — The revolt against the West: inter-
vention and sovereignty. Third World Quarterly 37(7),
2016 : 1187-1202.
The UN was born in San Francisco in 1945 with very little substantive
participation by Asian and African governments. The great powers
established a system in which they would determine when, where and
how military interventions could take place. The 1955 Bandung Confer-
ence saw Asian and African countries seek to use new norms of inter-
vention to regain their sovereignty. The 1994 Rwandan genocide, how-
ever, forced African countries to dilute notions of absolute sovereignty to
allow military interventions for human protection purposes. The 2011
NATO military intervention in Libya did potentially irreparable damage to
future UN-mandated interventions and was widely seen in the Global
South as an abuse of the responsibility to protect (R2P). [R, abr.] [See
Abstr. 66.6251]
66.7117 ALDRIN, Philippe ; HUBÉ, Nicolas — L'Union européenne,
une démocratie de stakeholders. Des laboratoires du
participationnisme à l'expérimentation démocratique
(The European Union, a stakeholders' democracy. From
participationism laboratories to democratic experi-
ments). Gouvernement et Action publique 5(2), Apr.-June
2016 : 125-152.
Like other governmental and intergovernmental organizations, the EU
has taken in the 1990s a participatory turn in its decision-making and
communication policy. The official introduction of the "new European
governance" (defined in the White paper published in 2001) sought to
find a lasting institutional solution to the problem of controlling interac-
tions among European policy-makers, experts, and representatives of
interest. The failure of the ratification referendum of the Constitutional
treaty in 2005 opened a new window of opportunity. It seemed necessary
to forget the "neo-corporatist" model of the governance by developing the
direct participation of citizens' in decision-making processes. Based on
empirical work launched in 2005, this article analyzes the (political and
intellectual) genesis as well as the structu re of opportunity of what is
here called an institutional participationism intended to correct "European
democracy". [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.6255]
66.7118 ALEXANDROVA, Petya — Explaining political attention
allocation with the help of issue character: evidence from
the European Council. European Political Science Review
8(3), Aug. 2016 : 405-425.
Policy issues compete for the attention of political actors, and the size of
the agenda an issue can occupy is largely determined by the way in
which it is defined. This logic constitutes a simple agenda-setting model
in which factors related to the participants in the policy process and their
context influence the attention a single issue receives after being prob-
lematized. This study incorporates the notion of issue character and
offers an empirical application of the adapted model to the European
Council, a crucial informal player in EU agenda-setting. Using a dimen-
sionality reduction technique, the composition of the agenda is broken
down to two constitutive dimensions — core vs. non-core themes of
government and economic vs. non-economic character, concentrating on
the second type. [R, abr.]
66.7119 AMARI, Akira — The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP)
Agreement. Asia-Pacific Review 23(1), May 2016 : 11-20.
In October 2015, twelve countries reached an agreement in principle on
the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) that will build 21st-c. trade and
investment rules concerning tariffs, services, investment, intellectual
property, state-owned enterprises, and other areas. Going beyond the
myriad bilateral FTAs and EPAs, the TPP is intended to give shape to
policy relating to trade in the Asia-Pacific. Since Japan officially partici-
pated in TPP negotiations in 2013, one focus has been on an economic
growth strategy that provides opportunities for small- and medium-sized
enterprises to consider overseas expansion and that allows Japan to re-
emerge as a major exporting country. Regionally, the TPP is expected to
contribute to economic development in the Asia-Pacific as a whole at the
dawn of an “Asia-Pacific Century.” [R, abr.]
66.7120 ANDERSON, Edward — Equality as a global goal. Ethics
and International Affairs 30(2), Summer 2016 : 189-200.
The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) approved by the UN Gen-
eral Assembly in 2000, set out time-bound targets to be achieved by the
international community by 2015, including [reducing] poverty, child
mortality, maternal mortality, and [promoting] universal primary educa-
tion. The MDGs were, however, often criticized for having a “blind spot”
with regard to inequality and social injustice. Worse, they may even have
contributed to entrenched inequalities through perverse incentives. As
some have argued, in order to achieve progress toward the MDG targets
at the national level, governments focused their attention on the “easy to
reach” populations and ignored more marginalized, vulnerable groups.
This essay examines the extent to which this widespread criticism has
been successfully addressed in the Sustainable Development Goals
(SDGs), approved by the UN General Assembly in September 2015. [R]
66.7121 AXT, Heinz-Jürgen — Südosteuropa im Schatten der EU-
Krisen — Warum der Erweiterungsprozess nicht
vorankommt (Southeast Europe in the shadow of EU cri-
ses — Why the enlargement process does not progress).
Südosteuropa Mitteilungen 56(3), 2016 : 6-21.
Europe is in trouble. Why does not the assurance of the European
Council in 2003 to open the EU door for candidate countries in Southeast
Europe materialize? The countries of Eastern Europe joined the EU in
2004; the positive effects of membership for political and economic
progress can be identified. In contrast, economic as well as political
transformation in Southeast Europe proceeds slowly. High-level corrup-
tion, deficits in the rule of law, organized crime, clientelism, patronage
networks and political pressure on the media are characteristics of the
deadlock in the Western Balkans. The multiple crises of the EU illustrate
how the EU became more introverted and eager to preserve the status
quo. [R, abr.]
International relations
750
66.7122 BAQUERO CRUZ, Julio — Another look at constitutional
pluralism in the European Union. European Law Journal
22(3), May 2016 : 356-374.
Constitutional pluralism is a theory, or movement, or idea, for some
perhaps even an ideal, about the relationship between the legal system
of the EU and those of its Member States. In this paper, the author
analyses its assumptions and implications in the light of historical experi-
ence and of the consequences it could have for the practice of law in
Europe. To do so, constitutional pluralism is compared with the other
main positions about that relationship: the national constitutional position
and the position of Union law. [R]
66.7123 BARRINHA, André — Progressive realism and the EU’s
international actorness: towards a grand strategy? Jour-
nal of European Integration 38(4), June 2016 : 441-454.
The EU lacks a coherent strategy to guide its international actions. The
December 2013 European Council recognized the issue, and the EU
High Representative Federica Mogherini is in charge of a strategic
review that will lead to a global strategy by June 2016. Most arguments
in favor of a grand strategy rely on utilitarian arguments that highlight the
EU’s potential for a more efficient foreign policy. By linking a progressive
realist approach to the importance of an EU grand strategy, this article
intends to demonstrate the normative need for such a guiding document.
As it will be argued, a grand strategy is a necessary step in the consoli-
dation of the EU as a pluralist post-national polity that has in the fulfill-
ment of its citizens’ interests its raison d’être. [R, abr.]
66.7124 BAZBAUERS, Adrian — The World Bank as a develop-
ment teacher. Global Governance 22(3), July-Sept. 2016 :
409-426.
This article analyzes changes in the curricula, pedagogy, and methodol-
ogy of the Economic Development Institute and the World Bank Institute
— the teaching and learning arm of the World Bank. It argues that, unlike
the coercive nature of World Bank loan conditionality, the two teaching
institutes have operated quietly in the background attempting to persua-
sively habitualize and naturalize member country participants into ac-
cepting particular understandings of and approaches to development as
best practice and common sense. It concludes that the institutes have
been active in the creation of toolkits used to socialize individuals into
accepting and following World Bank development norms. [R, abr.]
66.7125 BEAUREGARD, Philippe — Taking flight or crashing
down? European [EU] common foreign policy and inter-
national crises. Journal of European Integration 38(4), June
2016 : 375-392.
This article assesses the level of commonality by conducting a chrono-
logical comparative content-analysis to bring to light the rhetoric of
European powers (UK, France and Germany) and EU actors. It focuses
on the crises between Russia and Georgia in 2008 and the civil war in
Libya of 2011. The article argues that states often converged in their
positioning on a wide range of issues, even in moments of crisis. How-
ever, it also reveals that they remain in contro l of the timing of their
statements and that EU actors were weak. This paper puts forth a novel
tool to assess European foreign policy in times of crisis, it provides
empirical data on the subject and highlights the importance of different
types of issues in the assessment of commonality. [R, abr.]
66.7126 BEBLER, Anton — OZN in razorožitev (The United Nations
and disarmament). Teorija in Praksa 53(3), 2016 : 645-658.
This article shows the link between the functioning of the UN in the field
of arms limitations and earlier international activities in this field. Specifi-
cally, it focuses on efforts undertaken throughout the UN system of
principal organs and other bodies. It looks at the UN's role in the context
of a wider international effort as the initiator, supporter, convener, de-
positary of international conventions and treaties, and as the institution
that monitors states' compliance with those international agreements. [R]
66.7127 BECKER, Stefan, et al. — The Commission: boxed in and
constrained, but still an engine of integration. West Euro-
pean Politics 39(5), Sept. 2016 : 1011-1031.
In the debate about the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the EU’s institu-
tional balance, antagonists [disagree]. Supporters of the new intergov-
ernmentalism contend that the European Council has supplanted the
European Commission in policy leadership, while scholars who hold that
the EU executive has been a winner of the crisis highlight the new
management functions it has acquired. This article argues, first, that an
accurate assessment of the institutional balance requires a more global
evaluation of the Commission. Second, it contends that the crisis did not
cause a Commission retreat but accelerated a process already underway
that finds its origins in the pres identialization of policy control. The crisis
reveals how the centralization of power within the Commission and its
expanded management duties have enhanced its capacity to take stra-
tegic action. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.7184]
66.7128 BERKMAN, Paul Arthur ; VYLEGZHANIN, Alexander N. ;
YOUNG, Oran R. — Governing the Bering Strait region:
current status, emerging issues and future options.
Ocean Development and International Law 47(2), Apr.-June
2016 : 186-217.
This article examines the existing governance arrangements applicable
to the Bering Strait Region (BSR), assesses the emerging needs for
governance in the region, and considers options for addressing these
needs. Widely regarded as a critical chokepoint between the North
Pacific and the Arctic Ocean (and its marginal seas), the BSR is subject
to a variety of regimes, ranging from global constitutive arrangements
(e.g., 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea) to bilateral operational
arrangements. The growth of human activities in the BSR, associated
with transformative changes occurring in the Arctic in recent years, is
generating new needs for governance. [R, abr.]
66.7129 BERTACCHINI, Enrico, et al. — The politicization of
UNESCO World Heritage decision making. Public Choice
167(1-2), Apr. 2016 : 95-129.
The purpose of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention is to protect the
global merit good of cultural and natural heritage of outstanding universal
value for humanity. Many observers, however, have suggested that this
international organization is subject to politicization as the selection
process of sites on the World Heritage List is increasingly driven by
countries’ political influence and national strategic interests. This article
explores this possibility quantitatively by analyzing a unique dataset
containing information from the summ ary records of the UNESCO World
Heritage Committee’s sessions over the 2003-2012 period. [R, abr.]
66.7130 BOBYLEV, Sergej N. ; SOLOV’EVA, Sof’ja V. — OON:
smena celej (The UN: redefining goals). Mirovaja
Ekonomika i meždunarodnye Otnošenija 2016(5) : 30-39.
One of the main 2015 UN Summit outcomes is the adoption of global
Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) built on achievements of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to serve as a guide for sustaina-
ble development on a global scale after 2015. A comparison between
SDGs and MDGs helps elaborate the main principles of SDG adaptation
to Russia’s national priorities by conditionally dividing them into two
groups: internal (Russia has to realize them by drawing on its own
potential) and external (Russia can play an important role in the world by
cooperating with other countries). In addition to financing international
development and forgiving considerable debts of developing countries,
other possible ways to approach the current situation include carbon
taxes and a stock exchange for carbon trading. [R, abr.]
66.7131 BOSQUE, Maria Mut — Setting a new framework for co-
operation between the Commonwealth and the European
Union. Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 54(3), July
2016 : 409-435.
This paper proposes a new approach to understanding the relations
between the EU and the Commonwealth. There has been a long-
standing lack of mutual insight between the Commonwealth and the EU,
chiefly due to a general lack of knowledge of the modern-day Common-
wealth and its role on the international stage. The relations between both
organizations are currently limited, despite the fact that there are areas
of common interest, where cooperation would not only be feasible, but
also beneficial. An agreement, such as that proposed in this paper, could
contribute significantly in the fight to eradicate poverty and uphold human
rights. [R]
66.7132 BROEKEMA, Wout — Crisis-induced learning and issue
politicization in the EU: the Braer, Sea Empress, Erika,
and Prestige oil spill disasters. Public Administration 94(2),
June 2016 : 381-398.
This article explores the relation between issue-politicization and crisis-
induced learning by the EU. We performed a political claims-analysis on
the political response to the four major oil spill disasters that have oc-
curred in European waters since 1993. Political claims that we observed
in three arenas (mass media, national parliaments, and the EP) were
compared with recommendations in post-crisis evaluation reports and
the EU's legislative responses. For all three political arenas our findings
indicate that politicization of issues either promotes or impedes crisis-
induced EU learning, which points to the existence of determining inter-
vening factors. EU legislation that is adopted in response to oil spill
disasters appears to a large extent grounded in crisis evaluation reports.
[R, abr.]
66.7133 BRUNAZZO, Marco — The Italian presidency of the coun-
cil of the European Union: a semester of contrasting out-
comes. Italian Politics : A Review 30, 2014 : 103-120.
Relations internationales
751
On 1 July 2014, Italy took over the rotating six-month presidency of the
Council of the EU. Expectations for the Italian presidency were high. This
chapter argues that these expectations were always unrealistic, as the
Italian presidency had to deal with the fallout of the EP elections. Never-
theless, Italy managed to pursue its interests by securing important
nominations to the European Commission, pushing the EU to do more
on migration policy, and encouraging moves to foster greater investment
at the European level. [R] [See Abstr. 66.6934]
66.7134 BRUYCKER, Iskander de — Power and position: which EU
party groups do lobbyists prioritize and why? Party Poli-
tics 22(4), July 2016 : 552-562.
Due to the politicization of much policy-making in the EU and the growing
competences of the EP, party groups in the EP have become key targets
for organized interests. This article investigates which party groups in the
EP are prioritized by EU lobbyists and why. The focus is on two pre-
sumed key components of this prioritization process, namely power and
position. It is expected that lobbyists take into account both the extent to
which parties align with their views and their legislative power. The
analysis suggests that the media prominence of party groups in relation
to specific issues as well as the extent to which interest organizations
and party groups adopt opposing policy positions considerably shape
how party groups in the EP are targeted by lobbyists. [R, abr.]
66.7135 CATER, Charles ; MALONE, David M. — The origins and
evolution of Responsibility to Protect at the UN. Interna-
tional Relations 30(3), Sept. 2016 : 278-297.
This article situates the emergence of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P)
concept, later accepted by many as a principle, in the wider flow of
events following on the end of the Cold W ar. Among the hallmarks of
change in the UN Security Council as of the early 1990s, in stark co n-
trast to the Council’s preoccupations during its first four decades of
activity, was its growing attention to humanitarian considerations relating
to conflict, its new willingness to tackle conflicts (mainly internal ones) it
might have avoided earlier, and its willingness to experiment with new
approaches to resolving them. Today R2P finds itself competing with
other legal and diplomatic principles, but it remains a potent platform for
advocacy and, at times, for action by the UN. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
66.7240]
66.7136 CEKA, Besir ; SOJKA, Aleksandra — Loving it but not
feeling it yet? The state of European identity after the
eastern enlargement. European Union Politics 17(3), Sept.
2016 : 482-503.
The inclusion of eleven new member states from the former Eastern bloc
constitutes a significant challenge to the EU in various respects. Many
worry that whatever tenuous "European identity" existed prior to the
eastern enlargement, it has now become so diluted that no meaningful
European political community can form. We provide an empirical account
of the state of European identity after the eastern enlargement through a
comparative analysis of affective and cognitive European identity in the
old and the new Central and Eastern European member states. Our
empirical analyses indicate that while the overall levels of cognitive
European identification in the East are indeed lower than in the West,
citizens from new member states are just as attached to Europe as
citizens from old member states. [R, abr.]
66.7137 CENSOLO, Roberto ; COLOMBO, Caterina — The impact
of the crisis on fiscal convergence in the EU: the early
signs. Journal of European Integration 38(6), Sept. 2016 :
703-718.
This article investigates the early signs of the impact of the financial
crisis on fiscal convergence within the EU. Over the 2004-2012 period,
we offer a comprehensive picture of the convergence pattern by consid-
ering the key fiscal aggregates and the main economic and functional
components of total government expenditure. Indeed, the effects of the
crisis have been transmitted differently on the fiscal frame in the EU,
signaling an overall tendency to diverge of the Periphery EU countries
from the Core. In particular, it emerges a greater persistence in the
Periphery countries of the backlash of the crisis on government budgets
and disarranging effects on government spending, with crowding out of
productive components of public expenditure. [R]
66.7138 CHANG Jun Yan — Essence of security communities:
explaining ASEAN. International Relations of the Asia-
Pacific 16(3), Sept. 2016 : 335-369.
ASEAN is not a security community. This article demonstrates this by
first identifying three models of the security community, the Deutschian,
the constructivist, and the instrumental models and subsequently apply-
ing these to ASEAN. Although the paradox of the "long peace" of ASEAN
seems to be validated by the latter, such is mistaking effect for cause.
Through a process of critique, the shortfalls of the models are highlighted
and consequently addressed through conjoining Critical Security Studies
to the "security community" concep t in a Model IV critical security com-
munity formulation to achieve a holistic and comprehensive concept
relevant to the world today. Employing this to assess ASEAN, the puzzle
of whether ASEAN is a security community is laid to rest; its security is
not truly comprehensive. [R, abr.]
66.7139 CHATELET, Pauline — La mise à l'épreuve de l'Union eu-
ropéenne par le terrorisme — approche française (The
European Union's ordeal through terrorism). Revue du
Marché commun et de l'Union européenne 599, June 2016 :
357-362.
The various atrocities carried out in Paris in 2015, followed by those in
Brussels on 22 March 2016, have undeniably affected the stability of the
European space. Already weakened at the economic level, the EU must
now face not only a growing threat of terrorism but also an unprecedent-
ed migration crisis. Indeed these circumstances are liable to endanger
international organization if discord reigns between its member states.
[R]
66.7140 CHAUDOIN, Stephen ; KUCIK, Jeffrey ; PELC, Krzysztof —
Do WTO disputes actually increase trade? International
Studies Quarterly 60(2), June 2016 : 294-306.
Exporters, trade lawyers, policy-makers, and academics see the WTO's
Dispute Settlement Understanding as an important, though costly, venue
for facilitating the removal of harmful barriers to trade. If this co nventional
wisdom holds, then disputes should increase trade. We provide a careful
analysis of trade flows in the wake of WTO disputes. We find that WTO
disputes do not increase the respondent country's imports of the prod-
ucts at issue. Instead, our analysis shows very narrow effects from
disputes. These depend on the dispute outcome and issue area. Alt-
hough we find variation across countries in their responsiveness to
disputes, no single explanation accounts for this variation. Our evidence
casts doubt on arguments that dispute-settlement promotes trade be-
tween members. [R]
66.7141 CHRISTIANSEN, Thomas — After the Spitzenkandidaten:
fundamental change in the EU’s political system? West
European Politics 39(5), Sept. 2016 : 992-1010.
The appointment of the President of the European Commission in 2014
occurred in the context of a novel environment: the Lisbon Treaty had
introduced the requirement for the candidate proposed by the European
Council to be elected by the EP. Politically, the 2014 European elections
took place against the background of the Eurozone crisis which had
polarized opinions about the direction of European integration across the
member states. This article assesses the impact of this changed envi-
ronment along two crucial dimensions — inter-institutional relations and
party politics. It argues that the impact of the Spitzenkandidaten system
did not lead to a transformation of the EU’s political system. Indeed, the
cooperation in the election of the Commission President and subsequent
decision-making further strengthened the long-standing "grand coalition"
in the EP. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.7184]
66.7142 CHRISTOFF, Peter — The promissory note: COP 21 and
the Paris Climate Agreement. Environmental Politics 25(5),
Sept. 2016 : 765-787.
The 2015 UN climate negotiations in Paris resulted in an inclusive,
binding treaty that succeeds the Kyoto Protocol. In contrast to the failure
at Copenhagen in 2009, the Paris negotiations are therefore seen as a
major diplomatic success that has regenerated faith in the UN Frame-
work Convention on Climate Change as a forum for dynamic multilateral-
ism. The Paris Agreement provides a robust framework for ratcheting up
efforts to combat global warming. However, the Agreement’s value will
remain unclear for some time. The historical path to the Paris accord is
outlined, and a preliminary assessment is offered of its key elements and
outcomes. [R]
66.7143 CURTIS, K. Amber — Personality’s effect on European
identification. European Union Politics 17(3), Sept. 2016 :
429-456.
A superordinate identity improves intergroup relations and bolsters
support for the political system. Yet, why do only some identify superor-
dinately? I argue that personality is an important determinant. I test this
using an original survey in the UK, where EU integration has increased
the salience and feasibility of the “European” identity option in addition to
a national one. Several Big Five traits matter: openness and extraversion
increase identification with Europe while agreeableness decreases it.
Mediation analysis subsequently shows that personality’s effects also
travel through the mechanisms of risk-aversion, knowledge, and ideolo-
gy. Results imply that certain predispositions prompt some to be more
receptive than others to seeing themselves in superordinate terms and
that European identification may be at least partly more primordial than
previously thought. [R]
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