V Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345231169350 |
| Published date | 01 April 2023 |
| Date | 01 April 2023 |
235
V
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
73.1983 ABU-LABAN, Yasmeen ; BAKAN, Abigail B. — Anti-
Palestinian racism and racial gaslighting. Political Quarterly
93(3), July-Sept. 2022 : 508-516.
This article isolates key elements of anti-Palestinian racism as a specific
form of racism. As an Arab group which includes both Christians and
Muslims, Palestinians can experience anti-Muslim racism (or
Islamophobia) along with being subjected to anti-Arab racism and
Orientalist stereotypes. Using the concept of racial gaslighting which has
been advanced recently across a number of disciplines, the authors isolate
an identifiable anti-Palestinian racism, arguing that anti-Palestinian racism
is expressed through racial gaslighting in a threefold manner. The first is
denial — e.g., the treatment of the 1948 Nakba (or catastrophe). The
second is how racial gaslighting operates through power inequities, with
stateless Palestinians, occupied Palestinians and Palestinians holding
Israeli citizenship having clear inequities. Finally, the article considers how
Palestinians are victim-blamed, by discourses which present them as
‘terrorist’, ‘anti-Semitic’, and ‘undemocratic’. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.2267]
73.1984 AHLSKOG, Rafael ; BRÄNNLUND, Anton — Uncovering the
source of patrimonial voting: evidence from Swedish twin
pairs. Political Behavior 44(4), Dec. 2022 : 1681-1702.
The boom in wealth inequality seen in recent decades has generated a
steep rise in scholarly interest in both the drivers and the consequences
of the wealth gap. In political science, a pertinent question regards the
political behavior across the wealth spectrum. A common argument is that
the wealthy practice patrimonial voting, i.e., voting for right-wing parties to
maximize returns on their assets. While this pattern is descriptively well
documented, it is less certain to what extent this reflects an actual causal
relationship between wealth and political preferences. In this study, we
provide new evidence by exploiting wealth variation within identical twin
pairs. Our findings suggest that while more wealth is descriptively
connected to more support for right-wing parties, the causal impact of
wealth on policy preferences is likely highly overstated. [R, abr.]
73.1985 AKGEMCI, Esra — Authoritarian populism as a response
to crisis: the case of Brazil. Uluslararasi Ilişkiler
(International Relations) 74, 2022 : 37-52.
This article demonstrates that the authoritarian populist strategy is most
appealing when leaders create a sense of crisis and present themselves
as having the only solution. The article underlines three performative
methods of how Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil offered simple answers for a crisis
and portrayed other political actors as the responsible ones to be removed.
Firstly, nativism presents a conservative view on how politics should be
structured by perceiving all “non-natives” as threatening. Secondly,
messianism, the fetishism of Bolsonaro as a “messiah” who leads the way
in the battle between “goo d” and “evil,” serves to reinforce the support of
the Evangelist base against “PT members.” Finally, conspiracism provides
an easy way to eradicate ambiguities and helps to fuel an antagonism
against the “enemy.” [R]
73.1986 Al-SAEEDI, Safa — The Arab Spring: why did the uprisings
miss the monarchies? Contemporary Politics 28(5), 2022 :
491-516.
Tunisia's uprising ignited the 2011 Arab revolt, spreading rapidly across
the republics and leaving, for the most part, the monarchies untouched.
Explanations for why uprisings did not reach the monarchies have focused
on oil wealth, regime legitimacy, economic grievances, and political culture
as possible factors. However, attention to these factors leaves some
anomalies unexplained. I argue that unlike the republics, long-term
expanding of civil liberties in the monarchies accounts for why uprisings
did not reach these countries too. Civil liberties affect uprisings via two
mechanisms: citizens' perception of less grievances relative to the past,
and their expectation of higher benefit if the regime endures. Enjoying
more freedoms relative to earlier decades, monarchies' citizens felt less
aggrieved and more optimistic that their political systems were capable
and willing to grant more liberties in the future. Together, these
mechanisms explain why Tunisia's revolution did not stimulate similar
revolutionary attempts in these countries. [R]
73.1987 ALEMÁN, Eduardo ; MICOZZI, Juan Pablo — Parliamentary
rules, party norms, and legislative speech. International
Political Science Review 43(5), Nov. 2022 : 713-729.
This article examines speech participation under different parliamentary
rules: open forums dedicated to bill debates, and closed forums reserved
for non-lawmaking speeches. It discusses how electoral incentives
influence speechmaking by promoting divergent party norms within those
forums. Our empirical analysis focuses on the Chilean Chamber of
Deputies. The findings lend support to the view that, in forums dedicated
to non-lawmaking speeches, participation is greater among more
institutionally disadvantaged members (backbenchers, women, and
members from more distant districts), while in those that are dedicated to
lawmaking debates, participation is greater among more senior members
and members of the opposition. [R]
73.1988 ALHAZMI, Ahmed Ali — Sahwa has fallen: how Saudi
academics see the ramifications of sex segregation.
Politics, Religion and Ideology 23(3), 2022 : 349-363.
Sex segregation is a socio-cultural norm associated with symbolic,
rhetorical, and institutional power in Saudi Arabia. It was established by
the extremist discourses prevalent from the 1970s to 2010s. This study
argues that the public pedagogy of patriarchal sex-segregated society
transforms into a biased form of identity, referred to as ‘sexagogy’ in this
study. While individuals in a sex-segregated society are born, raised, and
publicly ‘pedagogized’ to fear the opposite sex, some individuals have
been exposed to educational and technological opportunities, whereby
they can interact freely with each other and cross boundaries intended to
segregate the sexes. This study investigates how members of Saudi
academia relate to gender segregation and how the Sahwa — an extreme
religious discourse preventing S audi women from any natural interaction
and socialization — has faded amidst the recent changes in the Saudi
Kingdom’s vision. [R, abr.]
73.1989 ALMEIDA MEDEIROS, Marcelo de, et al. — Partidos
polìticos, integração regional e ideologia: uma anaìlise do
apoio discursivo aÌ Unasul no congresso brasileiro
(Political parties, regional integration and ideology: an
analysis of the discursive support to UNASUR in the
Brazilian Congress). Relações internacionais 72, Dec. 2021 :
77-98.
The main goal of this article is to investigate whether the party orientation
(right‐left) of Brazilian Congressmen somehow influenced their discursive
support to UNASUR from 2000 to 2020. To achieve this, the first se ction
performs a literature review about the relation between regional integration
initiatives and the ideological orientation of political parties. The second
part of the article exposes its methodological aspects and discriminates all
the steps taken to do the discourse analysis. Finally, the last session
presents the results which, corroborating the majoritarian argument of the
existing literature, attest that left‐wing parties tend to speak more
positively about regional integration, while right‐wing parties tend to speak
less and more negatively about the same object. [R]
73.1990 AMICK, Joe ; BUKOVANSKY, Mlada ; LIU, Amy H. —
Presidential electoral cycles and corruption charges.
Journal of East Asian Studies 22(2), July 2022 : 281-307.
Anti-corruption efforts are inherently political. Corruption charges can be
levied against political opponents as an instrument of repression; they can
also be used against troublesome allies in the same party coalition to
further consolidate power. In this paper, we focus on Indonesia and ask:
Do major corruption charges follow a presidential electoral cycle — and if
so, how? We contend charges against prominent members of the
government coalition are more likely to happen before an election,
allowing the government to replace intra-party rivals with loyal allies.
Conversely, charges against prominent opposition members are more
likely to happen after an ele ction when fears of retaliation are low,
opportunities for credit-claiming are high, and there is an incentive to
remove veto players who may inhibit implementing the governmen t's
agenda.[R, abr.]
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
236
73.1991 AMIRA, Karyn ; ABRAHAM, Alexander — How the media
uses the phrase “identity politics”. PS 55(4), Dec. 2022 :
677-681.
The phrase “identity politics” has experienced a recent surge in political
discourse. However, its meaning varies for highly informed political
groups, leaving the term definitionally vague for the general public.
Second-level agenda-setting theory can be used to explain how this
phrase is communicated to the public by the mass media, a crucial
disseminator of political information. We used a quantitative content
analysis of major US publications to examine the frequency of this
phrase’s use and how it is presented to audiences. W e found a surge in
mentions beginning in 2016. We also found that it is tied more to the
political Left, but there also is a fair amount of linkage to the political Right.
The phrase also is portrayed negatively. W e advocate for using political
communication theories to track emerging political terms in the future. [R]
73.1992 ANDERSON, Christopher J. ; HOBOLT, Sara B. — Creating
compliance in crisis: messages, messengers, and
masking up in Britain. West European Politics 46(2), 2022 :
300-323.
How do governments ensure public compliance with protective policies
that restrict individual liberties during a crisis? In this article, the British
public’s reaction to mask mandates during the Covid-19 pandemic is
examined. We argue that providing information about health risks makes
people more willing to comply and that the effectiveness of the information
depends on the source. This argument is tested with the help of aggregate
public opinion and individual-level experimental data collected in the UK
in 2020 and we find that th e British public adapted its willingness to wear
a mask rapidly and in line with government regulation. Moreover, results
from a survey experiment show that simply providing information about
risk is sufficient to elevate people’s willingness to wear masks.
Interestingly, there is no clear partisan divide in the willingness to comply,
suggesting that governme nt messages about risk and responsibility
encourage individuals to make sacrifices in times of crisis regardless of
which party they support. [R]
73.1993 ANGELUCCI, Davide ; VITTORI, Davide — Look where
you’re going: the cultural and economic explanations of
class voting decline. West European Politics 46(1), 2023 :
122-147.
Scholars have shown a consistent decline in class voting over time,
arguing that social class no longer structures political competition. Yet, the
loss of the explanatory power of social class should be attributed to the
shift of left-wing parties towards less friendly issue positions for their class-
based electorate and not entirely to demand-side explanations. This article
focuses on the explanatory factors underpinning the decline of class
voting, in particular economic and cultural ones. It does so by relying on a
longitudinal dataset including survey data from the EES and party
manifesto data from the CMP over the last 25 years in 12 European
countries. Results show that when class-based parties adopt pro-labour
positions, class voting is reinforced. By contrast, when class-bloc parties
stand out for their pro-multiculturalism positions, class voting weakens
significantly. [R]
73.1994 ANNISON, Harry ; GUINEY, Thomas — Populism,
conservatism and the politics of parole in England and
Wales [UK]. Political Quarterly 93(3), July-Sept. 2022 : 416-
423.
Successive governments have seized upon the symbolic power of parole
to demonstrate ‘toughness’ with respect to violent and sexual offending,
to express solidarity with the victims of crime and reaffirm a populist credo
that purportedly stands in opposition to an unaccountable and out of touch
penal elite. Published in March 2022, the Ministry of Justice Root and
Branch Review of the Parole System represents a continuation of this well-
rehearsed political strategy, but arguably goes further than ever before in
its willingness to dispense with established norms, rules and practices.
This article surveys the contemporary politics of parole in England and
Wales and reflects upon what these developments reveal about the
shifting contours of a creeping authoritarian conservatism premised upon
nostalgia, nationalism and the projection of a strong, centralised state. [R,
abr.]
73.1995 ANRIA, Santiago, et al. — Agents of representation: the
organic connection between society and leftist parties in
Bolivia and Uruguay. Politics and Society 50(3), Sept. 2022 :
384-412.
Parties are central agents of democratic representation. The literature
assumes that this function is an automatic consequence of social structure
and/or a product of incentives derived from electoral competition.
However, representation is contingent upon the organizational structure of
parties. The connection between a party and an organized constituency is
not limited to electoral strategy; it includes an organic connection through
permanent formal or informal linkages that bind party programmatic
positions to social groups’ preferences, regardless of the electoral returns.
This article analyzes how the Movimiento al Socialismo (Movement toward
Socialism, MAS) in Bolivia and the Frente Amplio (Broad Front, FA) in
Uruguay developed two different forms of relationship with social
organizations that result from the interplay of historical factors traceable to
the parties’ formative phases and party organizational attributes. [R, abr.]
73.1996 ANSOLABEHERE, Stephen ; PUY, M. Socorro — Separatism
and identity: a comparative analysis of the Basque and
Catalan cases. European Political Science Review 15(1),
Feb. 2023 : 1-18.
This paper explores the potential of elections to change our emotions and
modify the relevance that voters assign to self-interest and group-identity
issues. We examine this question by analyzing the 1998-2016 period of
the Catalan and Basque regional elections. The analysis exploits that
Basques pushed to leave Spain in the early 2000s, and Catalans pursued
independence about fifteen years later. When the separatist goal
emerges, two issues gain relevance. First, there is a significan t rise of
identity politics, associated with the territory’s culture and language, to the
detriment of other issues that traditionally explain vote choice, such as the
left-right ideology, the degree of regional autonomy, or the economic
discontent. Second, the territory becomes more divisive, big cities align
against dominant separatist parties, and rural areas align with
independentists. We conclude that material self-interests dilute and group-
identity factors emerge to determine vote decisions in times of national
dissolution. [R]
73.1997 ARMALY, Miles T. ; ENDERS, Adam M. — "Why me?" The
role of perceived victimhood in American politics. Political
Behavior 44(4), Dec. 2022 : 1583-1609.
We develop a theory about, and use unique nationally-representative
survey data to estimate, two manifestations of victimhood: an ego centric
one entailing only perceptions of one’s own victimhood, and one focused
on blaming “the system.” We find that these manifestations of victimhood
cut across partisan, ideological, and sociodemographic lines, suggesting
that feelings of victimhood are confin ed to neither “actual” victims nor
those partisans on the losing side of elections. Moreover, both
manifestations of victimhood, while related to candidate support and
various racial attitudes, prove to be distinct from related psychological
constructs, such as (collective) narcissism, system justification, and
relative deprivation. Finally, an experiment based on candidate rhetoric
demonstrates that some political messaging can make supporters feel like
victims, which has consequences for subsequent attitudes and behavior.
[R, abr.]
73.1998 ARMENDARIZ MIRANDA, Paula — Explaining autocratic
support: the varying effects of threat on personality.
Political Psychology 43(6), Dec. 2022 : 993-1007.
Why do people support autocratic forms of governance? Political
psychology suggests that certain psychological traits predispose people to
express authoritarian attitudes, especially under conditions of normative
threat. However, such research has not explored whether perceptions of
existential threats drive support for autocracy. Nor has this research
explored whether the types of threats that activate autocratic support might
vary across socioeconomic contexts. I extend existing work and show that
closed personalities are more likely to support autocracy under conditions
of threat. I also show that, in developing countries, “crisis threats” — poor
economic performance, rampant crime, or corruption — activate closed
personalities' needs for order and security heightening their autocratic
support. Using public opinion data, I show how crisis threats activate
closed personalities' support for autocracy in Latin America. [R, abr.]
73.1999 ARNDT, Christoph ; CHRISTIANSEN, Flemming J. — Is
disloyalty rewarded? The electoral consequences of bloc
changes of Scandinavian Centre Parties 1977-2019.
Scandinavian Political Studies 45(4), Dec. 2022 : 548-575.
Centre Parties (Agrarians, Christian Democrats and Liberals) used to be
an established part of the Scandinavian party systems and have often
been pivotal for government formation. With ongoing individualisation,
secularisation, decline of traditional cleavages, and the rise of new ones
such as immigration, as well as polarisation, these parties face the
challenge of losing representation in parliament as already happened to
the Danish Centre Democrats and Christian Democrats. To shift a pa rty's
bloc affiliation and coalition preferences is a feature of centre parties, and
it may itself be a strategic decision to mobilise new voters in a changed
political environment to survive. Yet, it may alienate voters. We provide a
systematic analysis of the electoral effects of bloc changes in Scandinavia
in the last four decades. [R, abr.]
73.2000 ARNOLD, Kathleen R. — Sanctuary in a Trumpist context:
creating spaces of democratic exception. Political
Research Quarterly 75(4), Dec. 2022 : 1173-1185.
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
237
This paper first identifies the necessity for sanctuary as a form of protest
against the discretionary and often absolute forms of power shaping the
current immigration system, particularly as it affects undocumented
immigrants. Although the plenary power doctrine has removed legal
personhood from immigrants at the federal level since the late 1800s,
immigrants’ rightlessness and vulnerability to detention and deportation
has grown since Trump was elected. It distinguishes between a sanctuary
city and church-based sanctuary, holding that the latter fits more ancient
conceptions of sanctuary. In humanizing the legal non-person, church-
based sanctuary practices explode conventional binary between citizen
and foreigner, problematizing claims of merit on the one side and lack of
deservingness or alien status on the other. [R, abr.]
73.2001 ARTELARIS, Panagiotis — The economic geography of
European Union’s discontent: lessons from Greece.
European Urban and Regional Studies 29(4), Oct. 2022 : 479-
497.
The regions of the European Union are currently experiencing a period of
seismic change that has transformed their established voting patterns and
increased anti–European Union voting. Applying objective economic
measures, spatial econometrics and municipal voting data from recent
elections and a referendum, this study examines the factors shaping anti-
European Union votes in Greece. The results indicate a strong link
between the country’s changing economic geography and the geography
of the anti–European Union vote, providing evidence not only of the
‘geography of discontent’ and the ‘left-behind hypothesis’ but also of the
‘geography of austerity’ associated with the heterogeneous effects of fiscal
consolidation and austerity policies. [R] [See Abstr. 73.2616]
73.2002 ARUGAY, Aries A. ; BAQUISAL, Justin Keith A. — Mobilized
and polarized: social media and disinformation narratives
in the 2022 Philippine elections. Pacific Affairs 95(3), Sept.
2022 : 549-574.
Social media played a significant role in the 2022 Philippine national
elections. Using various empirical sources, including an original pre-
electoral survey, we argue that social media was critical in the production,
transmission, and reception of election-related information and narratives
that resulted in offline and online polarization and mobilization of Filipino
voters in the 2022 elections. This article discusses the role of social media
in e lectoral politics in the Philippines relative to other factors, such as
material incentives for political partisans, prior voting behavior patterns,
information consumption, and long-standing grievances. We discuss how
these factors inform social media’s role in mobilizing and polarizing the
Philippine electorate. We also unpack the leading disinformation
narratives of authoritarian nostalgia, conspiracy theory, strongman
leadership, and democratic disillusionment, which fueled support for
Marcos Jr. and undermined the other candidates. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
73.2604]
73.2003 ATMOR, Nir ; HARSGOR, Liran ; KENIG, Ofer — Campaign
expenditures and electoral outcomes in Israeli legislative
primaries — A financial gender gap? International Political
Science Review 44(1), Jan. 2023 : 27-42.
The last decade has seen an expansion of party primaries as a means of
selecting legislative candidates. Since primaries are rarely subsidized,
well-resourced candidates have a considerable advantage, which has an
impact on equality, diversity and representation. This article focuses on
the well-regulated legislative primaries in Israel, examining the gender gap
in campaign expenditures, and its implication for the success of women
candidates. The analysis is based on data regarding 365 candidates (97
women and 268 men) who competed in seven primary contests in three
parties between 2008 and 2015. Our findings show that male candidates
spend on average more than female candidates do. However, this
difference is pronounced among new candidates only. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
73.2279]
73.2004 ATRIA, Jorge, et al. — Pandemic patriotism: official
speeches in the face of the global COVID-19 crisis.
International Sociology 37(4), July 2022 : 439-456.
Faced with the COVID-19 pandemic, authorities have had to announce
health, economic, financial, and social measures. The way in which these
actors communicate is crucial and points to the collective meanings that
are transmitted when dealing with the pandemic. The discourses used are
designed with different frameworks and narratives to have broad appeal,
so as to convince the public about the government’s performance in
managing the crisis and to obtain respect and obedience. Based on a
qualitative analysis of 238 official speeches from five continents delivered
between March and May 2020, this article contributes to the analysis of
the pandemic with regard to two axes that underlie the speeches in other
crises of this magnitude: appeals for solidarity and references to a war
context. The results show that in this pandemic, the discourses have been
deployed through these axes, reinforcing collective memories and national
identities as sources to activate patriotic feelings and sustain implemented
measures. [R]
73.2005 AUERBACH, Kiran Rose — Accountable to whom? How
strong parties subvert local democratic institutions. Party
Politics 28(5), Sept. 2022 : 865-878.
How do politicians in em erging democracies subvert institutional reforms
that are designed to improve accountability? Looking at patron-client
relations within political parties, I present a strategy, partisan
accountability, by which strong parties undermine accountability to
citizens. At the national level, parties build patronage networks. Central
party organizations use their power and resources to build political
machines that extend to the local level. Leveraging these patronage
networks, national politicians co-opt local politicians into being
accountable to central party interests over their own constituents. I employ
original subnational data from Bosnia and Herzegovina on party
organization and mayoral recalls from 2005 to 2015. The analysis shows
that strong parties initiate recalls to install loyal, co-partisan mayors rather
than to sanction mayors for poor policy performance. [R, abr.]
73.2006 AVERY-NATALE, Edward ; VILA, Pablo — Black Lives
Matter, police violence, and the Kenosha murders:
materializing race in “Law-and-Order” assemblages.
Ethnicities 22(6), Dec. 2022 : 741-762.
We use the 2020 incident of the police shooting of Jacob Blake followed
by Black Lives Matter protests and the subsequent murder of several
activists by Kyle Rittenhouse as a case study to update the Althusserian
theory of interpellation using Deleuzian concepts and the idea of
“identitarian articulations.” Specifically, we aim to think more about the
capacity to accept or reject an interpellation, and who has those
capacities, and why. Here, the “who” above is not the individual ontological
subject, but the immanent Deleuzian subject emerging in articulation. We
will show, for example, that subordinated subjects will often have less
access to the capacity to resist interpellation. This is, in part, because it is
difficult for some people to “add” or “subtract” identifications or capacities
from their identitarian articulations because of the overdetermining power
of hegemonic discourses, such as white supremacy. [R, abr.]
73.2007 BABAR, Zahra ; VORA, Neha — The 2022 World Cup and
migrants' rights in Qatar: racialised labour hierarchies and
the influence of racial capitalism. Political Qua rterly 93(3),
July-Sept. 2022 : 498-507.
Since winning the bid to host the 2022 World Cup, the Qatari government
has channelled billions of dollars into infrastructural development to
prepare for the tournament, which has ramped up the country's already
high reliance on migrant labour. The international spotlight on migrant
labour abuse has also become more intense as the date of the event
approaches. Yet, human rights discourses surrounding World Cup 2022
continue to paint a simplistic and incomplete picture of migrant labour in
the Gulf, where racism and its correctives are defined through the white
gaze, with undercurrents of Orientalism and Islamophobia. In contrast, we
offer a historical and transnational framework for understanding
contemporary racialised labour and immigration systems in the Gulf. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 73.2267]
73.2008 BAHAMONDE, Hector ; CANALES, Andrea — Electoral risk
and vote buying, introducing prospect theory to the
experimental study of clientelism. Electoral Studies 80,
Dec. 2022 : 102497.
Most traditional theories of clientelism assert that parties in need of
securing electoral support invest in vote-buying. We consider this
framework limited because of two reasons. First, it ass umes that losses
and gains affect a party’s decision-making process in comparable ways.
Second, the framework assumes that the decision-making process of
clientelist political parties focuses only on absolute levels of utility while
overlooking changes in outcomes with respect to a reference point. By
proposing a shift from gains to a one focused on losses, we hypothesize
that parties are risk-averse in the domain of gains and risk-seeking in the
domain of losses — i.e ., losing an election hurts more than winning an
election pleases. Unlike traditional theories of clientelism, we argue that
clientelist political parties buy more votes when they are winning an
election or have experienced important losses in the past. [R, abr.]
73.2009 BAKER, Kerryn ; PALMIERI, Sonia — Can women dynasty
politicians disrupt social norms of political leadership? A
proposed typology of normative change. International
Political Science Review 44(1), Jan. 2023 : 122-136.
Social norms that legitimise men as political leaders, and undervalue
women’s leadership, are a tenacious barrier to women’s representation
globally. This article explores the circumstances under which women
dynasty politicians, whose legacy connections have provided them with an
initial pathway into politics, are able to disrupt these norms. We test a
proposed typology of normative change — one that progresses from norm
acceptance, to norm modification, then norm resistance — among women
dynasty politicians in the Pacific Islands. We find that norms of
To continue reading
Request your trial