V Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 August 2023 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345231194181 |
| Date | 01 August 2023 |
555
V
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
73.4699 ABDULLAH, Walid Jumblatt Bin — The politics of compro-
mise: analyzing the repeal of Section 377A in Singapore.
Pacific Affairs 96(1), March 2023 : 105-118.
This article discusses the repeal of Singapore’s Section 377A, the anti-gay
sex law, which was announced by Prime Minister (PM) Lee Hsien Loong
during the 2022 National Day Rally. I contend that the declaration by PM
Lee demonstrates the possibilities and limits of advocacy coalition-building
in Singapore. Utilizing the concept of calibrated social liberalization, I pos-
tulate that the repeal of Section 377A was the government’s response to
shifting societal attitudes and years of strategic and adroit advocacy coa-
litionbuilding. However, predicated upon this success is that LGBT issues
are not critical to the People’s Action Party’s (PAP) legitimacy, which is
why it is willing to allow for contestations in this sphere. The PAP engages
in social liberalization, without significant political liberalization; even then,
the cultural liberalization is not absolute, as the government attempts to
strike a political-electoral compromise with conservatives. [R, abr.]
73.4700 ADAMS, James, et al. — Can’t we all just get along? How
women MPs can ameliorate affective polarization in West-
ern publics. American Political Science Review 117(1), Feb.
2023 : 318-324.
Concern over partisan resentment and hostility has increased across
Western democracies. Despite growing attention to affective polarization,
existing research fails to ask whether who serves in office affects mass-
level interparty hostility. Drawing on scholarship on women’s behavior as
elected representatives and citizens’ beliefs about women politicians, we
posit the women MPs affective bonus hypothesis: all else being equal,
partisans display warmer affect toward out-parties with higher proportions
of women MPs. We evaluate this claim with an original dataset on
women’s presence in 125 political parties in 20 Western democracies from
1996 to 2017 combined with survey data on partisans’ affective ratings of
political opponents. We show that women’s representation is associated
with lower levels of partisan hostility and that both men and women parti-
sans react positively to out-party women MPs. Increasing women’s parlia-
mentary presence could thus mitigate cross-party hostility. [R]
73.4701 AGUSHOLLI, Lirika ; ÇELIK, Ayşe Betül — Ex-combatants
as civic activists in post-conflict societies: KLA members
in Kosovar civil society. Southeast European and Black Sea
Studies 22(4), 2022 : 523-543.
Claiming that ex-combatants should be seen as addressing different soci-
etal needs in post-conflict societies through varied civic work, this study
tries to answer how KLA ex-combatants perceive the roles they play in the
civil life of post-conflict Kosovo and how they think their communities per-
ceive them and their civic activities. It utilizes data from state, NGO, and
international organizations’ reports, and 15 semi-structured in-depth inter-
views with the KLA ex-combatants. It shows that ex-combatants describe
themselves as civic activists enthusiastic about helping their communities
and rebuilding the post-conflict society. How KLA members perceive so-
cial relations in post-conflict Kosovo and their past experiences shape their
understanding of the role of peacebuilding through civic activism, resulting
in different perceptions of peace and their worth in their society. [R]
73.4702 AKSER, Murat ; BAYBARS, Banu — Repressed media and
illiberal politics in Turkey: the persistence of fear. South-
east European and Black Sea Studies 23(1), 2023 : 159-177.
This article examines the historical roots of the role of successive Turkish
governments’ fear of media and Turkish media’s fear of government au-
thority with respect to the development of press freedom over the long run
and closely analyzes the historical pressures imposed on journalists
through legal and informal means. We focus particularly on the economic
and political pressure on the media in Turkey and offer three arguments
regarding the fear in Turkish media: (1) Media fear is historical rather than
a rupture that happened during the Justice and Development Party era;
(2) out of fear of losing power, the governments use structural, legislative
and extra-legal factors to the advantage of the ruling party to support a
friendly media-ecology; and (3) the repressed media attempt to come out
of this ecology of fear by utilizing new tactics of reporting, such as alterna-
tive media and citizen journalism. [R]
73.4703 Al-GHAZZI, Omar — "Forced to report": affective proximity
and the perils of local reporting on Syria. Journalism 24(2),
Feb. 2023 : 280-294.
Based on interviews with Syrian m edia practitioners, this article uses the
notion of affective proximity to make sense of local media practitioners’
reporting and witnessing of suffering in their country and community. I ar-
gue that the life-risking, and sometimes dea dly, media practices of local
reporters and witnesses, as well as their emotional labour, often do not
feature in understandings of journalism when it is conceived as a purely
professional discursive pursuit. I explain affective proximity in terms of an
imagined space (or the lack thereof) between a media practitioner, on the
one hand, and the event they are representing and participating in, on the
other. In relation to Syria, I use it to analyse the word ‘revolution’ and what
it mediates, the shifting boundaries between activism and journalism, and
experiences of, and in, violence. [R, abr.]
73.4704 ALBALA, Adrián ; BOR GES, André ; COUTO, Lucas — Pre-
electoral coalitions and cabinet stability in presidential
systems. British Journal of Politics and International Relations
25(1), Feb. 2023 : 64-82.
Previous research on coalition stability in presidential systems has relied
to a substantial extent on the parliamentary literature, focusing on the post-
electoral bargaining environment. We claim that cabinets derived from pre-
electoral coalition should foster trust and reduce uncertainty regarding
partners’ future behaviour. However, the positive effect of pre-electoral co-
alitions over cabinet duration is conditional on cabinet status, that is, the
control of a legislative majority or near majority. Therefore, we argue that
pre-electoral coalition cabinets holding a majority or near majority of seats
will be more durable than purely post-electoral majority coalitions, whereas
minority pre-electoral coalition cabinets congruent should endure less than
minority post-electoral coalition cabinets. We test these hypotheses using
a dataset of pre- and post-electoral coalitions in 11 Latin American coun-
tries. [R, abr.]
73.4705 ALBERT, Okorie ; ABADA, Ifeanyichukwu ; ADIBE, Raymond
— Crony capitalism in Nigeria: the case of patronage fund-
ing of the Peoples Democratic Party and the power sector
reform, 1999-2015. Review of African Political Economy 170,
2021 : 581-608.
The article argues that cronyism in the funding of the Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP) explains the dismal record of the recent power sector reforms
in Nigeria. It implies that the reforms were packaged by the then PDP-led
government to benefit their major campaign financiers with contracts; thus,
within this period the party financiers were able to assume a commanding
position in the sector. The article further contends that the funding regime
in the party reinforces corruption as financiers leveraged on their contribu-
tions to the party to ensure that the reform processes and outcomes re-
flected their economic interests. The case exemplifies the crony relation-
ship between the business and the political class (that ought to act as the
regulatory body), which is skewed towards primitive accumulation. [R]
73.4706 ALEXANDER, Amy ; CHARRON, Nicholas ; JUSTESEN, Mo-
gens K. — Female representation and electoral clien-
telism: new insights from South African municipal elec-
tions. Electoral Studies 82, Apr. 2023 : 102580.
The current literature is remarkably silent on the role of gender and female
political representation for electoral clientelism. Due to gender differences
in issue priorities, targeted constituent groups, networks and resources,
we argue that voters experience less clientelism in municipalities with a
higher proportion of female politicians because either female politicians
are likely to engage less in clientelism or women are less likely to be viable
candidates in more clientelist settings. Through either mechanism, we ex-
pect all voters — and female voters in particular — to experience less ex-
posure to clientelism in municipalities with higher female representation.
We examine this idea using survey data from the 2016 municipal elections
in South Africa — a country with high levels of female representation in
politics but increasing problems of corruption and patronage in the political
system. [R, abr.]
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
556
73.4707 ALGARA, Carlos ; ZUR, Roi — The Downsian roots of affec-
tive polarization. Electoral Studies 82, Apr. 2023 : 102581.
A growing literature studies the relationship between ideological and af-
fective polarization. By taking a Downsian approach to affective polariza-
tion we contribute to this literature and demonstrating that affective polar-
ization is driven by congruence between citizens and their party, relative to
other parties, in the general liberal-conservative space and across a host
of salient issue domains. We find robust support for our theory using indi-
vidual-level national election survey data from the US, UK, Germany, and
Finland. Moreover, we find that ideological differences inform affective po-
larization independently from partisan identifications and that they drive
more out-party animosity than in-party affinity. These findings have impli-
cations towards a more unified understanding of the citizen determinants
of affective polarization and the role ideology plays in shaping the views
held by partisans across democracies. [R]
73.4708 ALLEN, Geoff ; STOLL, Heather — A number most conven-
ient? The representational consequences of legislative
size. Electoral Studies 82, Apr. 2023 : 102594.
This paper explores the political representational consequences of the
size of democratic legislatures, which it makes the case for viewing as a
feature of the electoral system. Focusing on descriptive representation,
we argue that larger legislatures facilitate the descriptive representation of
traditionally underrepresented groups, and that this effect should be
stronger in majoritarian electoral systems. We find support for the hypoth-
esis about the greater impact of legislative (assembly) size in majoritarian
systems using a cross-national analysis of women's representation. We
then employ a within-case empirical analysis of the descriptive represen-
tation of several racial and ethnic minorities and women in (majoritarian)
US state legislatures. Support for the hypothesis about the effects of rela-
tive legislative size (the ratio of seats to persons) is found for most minor-
ities and women. [R, abr.]
73.4709 AMLANI, Sharif ; KIESEL, Spencer ; BUTTERS, Ross — Po-
larization in COVID-19 vaccine discussion networks.
American Politics Research 51(2), March 2023 : 260-273.
The emergence of COVID-19 spurred the fastest development of a vac-
cine in history. Yet, a large proportion of Americans remain hesitant to re-
ceive it. Our paper investigates how the social networks we inhabit might
explain persistent vaccine hesitancy. We argue that the COVID-19 vac-
cination status of respondents’ closest associates inhibits or motivates
their decision to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. To test our argument, we
conduct an original survey asking respondents a battery of questions
about the people with whom individuals most frequently discuss vaccines
and COVID-19. Our survey reports that individuals’ discussion networks
are polarized by vaccination status. Concurrently, there is a strong asso-
ciation between the social network’s vaccination status and the respond-
ent’s vaccination status. This association is so robust that partisanship
does not moderate the association between discussants’ vaccination sta-
tus and respondents’ vaccination status. [R, abr.]
73.4710 ANDREWS, Ben ; PRUYSERS, Scott — Does democracy
die in darkness? An examination of the relationship be-
tween local newspaper health and turnout in municipal
politics. Canadian Journal of Political Science 55(4), Dec.
2022 : 958-971.
This study is, to our knowledge, the first quantitative analyses of the rela-
tionship between local print newspaper health and voter turnout in Cana-
dian municipal elections. Municipal turnout is understudied in Canada, and
the few studies on the topic overlook the role of local media. This cross-
sectional study fills a gap in the literature by determining the relationship
between local print newspaper health and municipal election turnout in a
unique dataset of 233 populous Canadian municipalities. Results reveal a
significant positive correlation between turnout and two measures of news-
paper health: (1) the total number of newspapers per population and (2)
the publication frequency of the largest newspaper in a municipality. [R]
73.4711 APRILIYANTI, Indri Dwi ; UTOMO, Wisnu Prasetya ; PUR-
WANTO, Erwan Agus — Examining the policy narratives
and the role of the media in policy responses to the
COVID-19 crisis in Indonesia. Journal of Asian Public Policy
15(3), 2022 : 541-557.
This paper aims to investigate the related narratives presented in the me-
dia and their role in influencing the policy-making process related to the
COVID-19 response in Indonesia. This study is based on the content anal-
ysis of online news and in-depth interviews with the political advisors of
the president and the minister as well as the public health experts invited
into the core group of policymakers. The analysis of the narrative policy
framework revealed a relationship between the government’s response
and the changing tone of media coverage. The study also found that the
media has become an influential platform influencing policy agenda-set-
ting. [R]
73.4712 ARCENEAUX, Kevin ; VANDER WIELEN, Ryan J. — Do vot-
ers prefer educated candidates? How candidate education
influences vote choice in congressional elections. Elec-
toral Studies 82, Apr. 2023 : 102596.
Previous research shows that democracies are more likely to produce ed-
ucated politicians, but is this because voters prefer educated representa-
tives or because of other features of the democratic process? Education
may serve as a signal of candidate quality to voters or it may simply be
associated with other factors, such as access to campaign funds, that help
candidates win elections. We address this puzzle by analyzing head-to-
head matches between candidates in US House elections from 2002 to
2012 along with a conjoint experiment. We find evidence that candidates
with higher levels of education win more votes than candidates with lower
levels of education, even after we account for standard indicators of can-
didate quality and campaign spending. This education premium not only
garners more votes, but it also translates into higher probabilities of win-
ning. [R, abr.]
73.4713 ARGYLE, Lisa P. ; POPE, Jeremy C. — Does political par-
ticipation contribute to polarization in the United States?
Public Opinion Quarterly 86(3), Fall 2022 : 697-707.
Polarization and participation are often connected in the political science
literature, though sometimes the causality runs participation to polarization
and sometimes the causality runs in the reverse direction. In some ac-
counts there is an expectation that increasing participation and increasing
polarization generate an ongoing spiral effect. We evaluate the over-time
relationships between polarization and participation by assessing evi-
dence in existing panel and aggregate data. We find that people with more
extreme attitudes are more likely to participate in politics. However, only
one particular form of participation — persuading others — appears to pre-
dict later levels of polarization. Therefore, only persuasion has the neces-
sary correlation and temporal ordering for a feedback loop with more ex-
treme ideology. The implication is that the discipline should pay more at-
tention to interpersonal persuasion as a form of participation in American
politics. [R]
73.4714 ARISAN, Mehmet — Populism, victimhood and Turkish for-
eign policy under AKP rule. Turkish Studies 23(5), 2022 :
681-700.
This article explores how notions of conservative populism animate Turk-
ish foreign policy. It explicates the construction of the ‘us’ and ‘them’ in
conservative populism and how it became the dominant or hegemonic dis-
course of the AKP regime. While demonstrating various aspects of the
peculiar conservative populism, the paper will try to point out the specific
governmental ethos that conservative populism generates in the case of
the AKP. By emphasizing how conservative populism is intermingled with
Turkish-Islamist ideology, the paper explores the background of the AKP’s
pro-active and assertive foreign policy as well as the devastating effects
of the de-institutionalization of the bureaucratic state structure and deci-
sion-making mechanisms. [R] [See Abstr. 73.5360]
73.4715 ARMOUR MARTIN, Dominic — Freedom Believers 2020:
anti-vaccine activism and political liberalism in Oregon.
Religion, State and Society 51(1), 2023 : 102-122.
This contribution examines recent developments in the activism of a Rus-
sian religious minority community in the United States. After fleeing perse-
cution in Russia to Manchuria, Turkey, and Brazil, since the 1960s 10,000
Old Believers have settled in the Williamette Valley, Oregon. The contri-
bution describes how and why this paradigmatically ‘closed’ religious
group, which has eschewed active political engagement for centuries,
made a sudden and effective entry into Oregon politics in 2019-20. Initial
political mobilisation was provoked by Oregon State Legislature’s attempt
to pass a law to eliminate exemptions on religious or philosophical grounds
for children’s vaccinations. Following the theorising of Ra wls, I argue that
the Old Believers formed with other Americans opposed to mandatory vac-
cinations an ‘overlapping consensus’ of political liberalism. Their exclusive
reliance on political arguments grounded in the secular American tradition
of liberal rights and freedoms conflicts with the influential thesis of ‘public
religion’, articulated prominently by Casanova and Habermas, who high-
light the spiritual and theological character of interventions by religious
groups into modern politics. [R, abr.]
73.4716 ARTER, David — Personal representation or party repre-
sentation? Elections in the autonomous Åland Islands.
Regional and Federal Studies 32(4), 2022 : 511-524.
For an electorate numbering under 21,000 persons, voters in the autono-
mous Åland islands are remarkably well represented. They vote in Finnish
general elections, presidential elections and European Parliament elec-
tions; they vote for a 30-seat regional assembly, the Lagting; and they vote
for one of the 16 municipal councils on the islands. For Lagting elections
there is one MP for barely seven-hundred voters. This low MP-voter ratio,
when taken together with open-list PR electoral rules enabling citizens to
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
557
cast a personal vote, and a broad consensus over Åland’s self-governing
status, would appear to militate against the need for party representation.
Yet Ålanders are today served by an institutionalised party system which,
while reflecting Scandinavian influences, is distinctive in its own right. [R,
abr.] [See Abstr. 73.5080]
73.4717 ARYAL, Saroj Kumar ; BHARTI, Simant Shankar — Changing
the media landscape in India under the Modi government:
a case study based on the Narrative Policy Framework.
Studia z Polityki Publicznej 9(3), 2022 : 47-64.
After the emergence of "new media," propaganda and so-called "alterna-
tive facts" are some of the main tools that have been used by govern-
ments, individuals, or interest groups to recalibrate the narration of certain
information. By using the basic storytelling methods, the Narrative Policy
Framework (NPF) allows policymakers to use the media to spread the
newer dynamics of narration. Since 2014, after the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) came to power, the government has constantly been using narration
through the state-funded media that have changed the overall media land-
scape in the country. Thus, using the NPF, this research aims to perform
a media content analysis of India and discuss the changing media land-
scape of the nation. To prove the argument, the article provides various
empirical examples and facts (from India) which are changing the narrative
among the public and the ruling party's pursuit of its political aims by radi-
cal change in public policy. [R]
73.4718 ASCARRUNZ, Julio — Departmental elections in Bolivia
(2010-2021): between regionalised and third-order elec-
tions. Regional and Federal Studies 32(4), 2022 : 459-470.
Bolivia has held elections to departmental governments in 2010, 2015, and
in 2021. This election report starts with an overview of the electora l sys-
tems applied in the nine regions and subsequently discusses the election
outcomes for the three elections. Regional elections in Bolivia can be con-
ceived to be both regionalised — suggested by increasing vote shares for
regional parties — as well as to be third-order elections — suggested by
having lower turnout rates than local and national elections. First, this elec-
tion report will explore the extent to which regional elections are regional-
ised by looking at dissimilarity between party vote shares between elec-
tions and at the strength of regional parties. The question of whether re-
gional elections are second or third-order is explored by looking at valid
voting rates and vote share losses for the party in the national government.
[R] [See Abstr. 73.5080]
73.4719 ASCENCIO, Sergio J. — Nomination rules and the calculus
of mobilization: theory and evidence from Mexico. Elec-
toral Studies 82, Apr. 2023 : 102578.
Does party organization shape candidates’ electoral mobilization efforts?
I develop a novel theoretical account linking candidate-selection rules to
electoral mobilization. Nomination rules that require aspiring candidates to
compete in electoral races, such as primary elections, create incentives
for them to make considerable investments in order to win the party’s nom-
ination. Using a decision-theoretic model, I show how these initial invest-
ments at the nomination stage shape the candidates’ mobilization expend-
itures in the general election. The main theoretical result establishes that
primaries increase candidates’ mobilization efforts only when the general
election is not expected to be competitive; when a close race is expected,
candidates mobilize at the same rates regardless of how they were nomi-
nated. Analysis of an original dataset on candidate-selection and electoral
mobilization in Mexico provides strong support for the theory. [R]
73.4720 AŞIK, Ozan — How does the political enter the newsroom?
The representation of the Kurdish “other” in Turkish jour-
nalism. Journalism 23(11), Nov. 2022 : 2434-2451.
In this article, I examine how journalists working for the Turkish national
mainstream televisual media represent Kurds — a significant national
‘Other’ of Turkish society — in the process of news production. My re-
search is based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews conducted be-
tween 2011 and 2014 in the newsrooms of two Turkish television channels
with different political outlooks and experiences. The study reveals an un-
precedented interest of mainstream television media in the inclusionary
representation of Kurds during the research period due to a temporary
change to the traditional Turkish state policy toward Kurds. In this new
political context, I argue that the journalistic practice and discourse on
Kurds is likely to be determined by political differences among Turkish
journalists. [R, abr.]
73.4721 AUER, Meagan, et al. — Getting straight to the source: who
evaluates the leadership skills of Premiers in Canada and
Australia? Australian Journal of Political Science 58(1),
2023 : 1-18.
Journalists have the power to shape the public’s perception of new prem-
iers. They also share that power with the sources they interview. Sourcing
is therefore important when making claims about the news media’s role in
reproducing gender biases in representations of political leaders. We ex-
amine the question of sourcing through an analysis of newspaper cover-
age of 22 newly elected women and men subnational government leaders
in Australia and Canada to answer the following questions. How do news
writers rely on sources in evaluations of new premiers? To what extent do
they employ different patterns of sourcing and are these sourcing patterns
gendered? We focus on two pairs of leadership traits that dominate news
coverage of premiers in the first week: strength/weakness and compe-
tence/incompetence. We find that journalists use unattributed assess-
ments rather than sources when evaluating premiers’ skills and abilities,
but when sources are cited, these are usually elite men. [R]
73.4722 AZABAR, Samira ; THIJSSEN, Peter — The electoral agency
of Muslimahs: an intersectional perspective on preferen-
tial voting behaviour. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies
48(17), 2022 : 4106-4128.
Muslim women are often portrayed as submissive and oppressed, and
blamed for a lack of political agency. At the same time, intersectional stud-
ies point out that Muslimahs manifest a pious critical agency while engag-
ing in political ac tivities. Yet, quantitatively and electorally speaking, less
is known about gender differences in vote choices of Muslims, notably
which candidates they support. This paper addresses this gap in the liter-
ature by examining the gendered preferential voting behaviour of Muslim
minorities at the local elections of 2018 in the largest city of Belgium (Ant-
werp), based on an innovative analysis of combined demand-side exit-poll
data with supply-side data on the candidate profiles. While our analyses
show that Muslims vote more gender congruent and more religious con-
gruent than non-Muslims, this is because male Muslims vote more for
male candidates, more for Muslim candidates and more for the intersec-
tion of both of them rather than that female Muslims vote for one of their
own. [R, abr.]
73.4723 BAKER, Keith — Governance, depoliticization, and nuclear
power in Britain and the United States. Policy Studies 43(2),
2022 : 296-311.
Governance is a form of statecraft used to work through networks. A com-
plementary perspective to governance is depoliticization which considers
statecraft under neoliberalism. This article argues that depoliticization is a
way of practicing governance. Depoliticization techniques can be under-
stood as institutional, societal, or discursive and each technique is associ-
ated with a particular style of governance. Case studies of government
efforts to revive nuclear power in Britain and the United States [US]
through governance are used to consider the argument and extend the
literature on depoliticization. Evidence is presented that a failure to realize
policy goals through governance may be due to the use of inappropriate
techniques of depoliticization. [R]
73.4724 BALCI, Bayram — Islam and politics in Turkey: alliance and
disunion between the Fethullah Gülen movement and the
Justice and Development Party of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 25(3), 2023 : 506-
521.
Both coming from conservative Anatolia, Fethullah Gülen and Recep Tay-
yip Erdoðan have, respectively, set up a movement and a political party
that continue to make their mark on Turkey. Based upon the same vision
of Islam and with a strategy of neutralizing their common opponent, the
Kemalist establishment, an alliance, was founded between the two in 2002
when the AKP came to power. However, as it had been ambiguous from
the start, this alliance did not resist the gradual emergence of numerous
political and social differences between the two leaders. Less than 10
years after it was founded, the alliance between the two cracked and then
shattered in 2013. Since then, the Gülen movement has been banned in
Turkey and its representatives exiled abroad, particularly in Western coun-
tries. [R, abr.]
73.4725 BALOGUN, Bolaji ; PĘDZIWIATR, Konrad — “Stop calling
me Murzyn” – how Black Lives Matter in Poland. Journal of
Ethnic and Migration Studies 49(6), 2023 : 1552-1569.
The scholarship on race and racism has tended to focus mostly on coun-
tries in Western Europe. It has thereby overlooked racial dynamics taking
place in other regions – including Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). This
article examines the reverberations of the recent global antiracist mobili-
sation triggered by the killing of George Floyd in the United States in this
underexplored context. Specifically, it considers the significance of the
‘Black Lives Matter’ (BLM) movement for Black people in Poland. Cham-
pioned by the BLM movement, there have been demands for further re-
flection on racial inequalities in European societies, where many citizens
in Europe’s West are beginning to engage with the impact of colonialism.
The effect of George Floyd’s death has also reached unexpected places
such as Poland, where Black communities have renewed their calls to re-
shape their representation in public discourse. We trace these mobilisa-
tions via our analysis of an online video discussion that unfolded under the
hashtag #DontCallMeMurzyn. This article makes a case for the
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