V Political Process : Public Opinion, Attitudes, Parties, Forces, Groups and Elections / Vie Politique : Opinion Publique, Attitudes, Partis, Forces, Groupes et Élections
| Published date | 01 June 2023 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345231182642 |
| Date | 01 June 2023 |
386
V
POLITICAL PROCESS : PUBLIC OPINION,
ATTITUDES, PARTIES, FORCES, GROUPS AND ELECTIONS
VIE POLITIQUE : OPINION PUBLIQUE,
ATTITUDES, PARTIS, FORCES, GROUPES ET ÉLECTIONS
73.3284 ABRAJANO, Marisa ; ELMENDORF, Christopher S. ; QUINN,
Kevin M. — Measuring perceived skin color: spillover ef-
fects and Likert-type scales. Journal of Politics 85(1), Jan.
2023 : 320-327.
problem in social science research. Most of this research relies on Likert-
type ratings of skin color such as the Massey-Martin Scale (MMS). Schol-
ars have raised questions about measurement error in such scales. We
hypothesize that the coding of a person’s skin color will vary depending on
the race of persons previously coded. We find that the MMS is vulnerable
to spillover effects: a person’s skin is coded as darker, on average, if he is
observed following a sequence of White persons than if he is observed
following a sequence of Black persons. We also replicate previous work
showing that Black and White coders use the scale differently. [R, abr.]
73.3285 ABRAMOWITZ, Alan I. — The polarized American elec-
torate: the rise of partisan-ideological consistency and its
consequences. Political Science Quarterly 137(4), Winter
2022-2023 : 645-674.
The author presents evidence from American National Election Studies
surveys showing that party identification, ideological identification and is-
sue positions have become much more closely connected over the past
half century. He argues that as a result, the ideological divide between
Democratic and Republican identifiers has widened considerably. The rise
of partisan-ideological consistency has contributed to growing affective
polarization as well as increasing party loyalty and straight ticket voting.
[R]
73.3286 ABREU MAIA, Lucas de ; CHIU, Albert ; DESPOSATO, Scott
— No evidence of backlash: LGBT rights in Latin America.
Journal of Politics 85(1), Jan. 2023 : 49-63.
Since the civil rights movement, scholars have warned that pro-minority
policies can create a backlash effect in the majority. Some observers fear
these dynamics may be at work in Latin America, where after dramatic
advances in LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) rights, voters
have elected antigay leaders. To investigate, we created the Latin Ameri-
can Rainbow Index — a measure of LGBT rights in the continent by coun-
try — and combined it with individual survey responses to test whether
granting new rights had any discernible impact on attitudes. We find no
evidence of backlash and little evidence of polarization. We also provide a
new index of LGBT rights in the continent, which may be used by other
scholars to further examine the LGBT movement in Latin America. [R]
73.3287 ABRIAL, Stéphanie, et al. — Control or participate? The Yel-
low Vests’ democratic aspirations through mixed meth-
ods analysis. French Politics 20(3-4), Dec. 2022 : 479-503.
By means of an original mixed-method research design, this article ana-
lyzes the French Yellow Vests’ attitudes to democracy and democratic in-
novations. First, we find that Yellow Vests’ protesters are supportive of
innovations aiming at controlling elected representatives, and that populist
attitudes enhance support for direct public control. Second, we provide
evidence of two different discourses about democracy coexisting within
the movement: one, stemming from inexperienced first-time activists, is
centered on the control of political elites; the other, coming from more po-
liticized Yellow Vests, rather advocates for direct citizen participation. This
article therefore contributes to bridging the literatures on democratic is-
sues in social movement, process preferences, and populism. In particu-
lar, we highlight that within ‘populist’ social movements, various demo-
cratic aspirations may cohabit, depending on how protesters define ‘the
people’ and their experience of political protest. [R] [See Abstr. 73.3406]
73.3288 ACHURY, Susan, et al. — The impact of racial representa-
tion on judicial legitimacy: white reactions to Latinos on
the bench. Political Research Quarterly 76(1), March 2023 :
158-172.
Despite evidence that racial diversification has increased support for the
judiciary, political scientists know little about the heterogeneous effects of
diversification across different population segments. Previous research il-
lustrates that including Black judges increases judicial legitimacy among
the Black population, but it decreases the legitimacy of the courts among
the White population. We expand on this knowledge by examining the im-
pact of adding Latinos to the bench. Our survey experiment compares
White respondents’ perception of the courts based on differing levels of
Latino representation in the ruling panel. Does descriptive representation
in the racialized issue area of immigration signal fairness and legitimacy
to White respondents? Or does the inclusion of Latino jurists in immigra-
tion cases trigger racial animosity and decreasing support for the courts?
[R, abr.]
73.3289 AGBIBOA, Daniel E. — Out of the shadows: the women
countering insurgency in Nigeria. Politics and Gender 18(4),
Dec. 2022 : 1011-1042.
Moving beyond the focus on violence against women and violence com-
mitted by women, this article interrogates violence countered by women.
The article sheds new light on the gendered practices of counterinsur-
gency in northeast Nigeria, with critical attention to why women joined the
civilian resistance to the Boko Haram insurgency and their complex role
and agency as local security providers. Using the voices and lifeworlds of
women who joined the Civilian Joint Task Force (yan gora) in Borno State
as well as the Vigilante Group Nigeria and Hunters Association (kungiya
marhaba) in Adamawa State, the article underscores the layered and gen-
der-bending role of women as frontline fighters, knowledge brokers, state
informants, and producers of vigilante technologies. The article finds that
women counterinsurgents mobilized after Boko Haram shifted its strategy
toward using female insurgents, especially as suicide bombers. [R, abr.]
73.3290 AGGESTAM, Karin ; EITREM HOLMGREN, Linda — The
gender-resilience nexus in peacebuilding: the quest for
sustainable peace. Journal of International Relations and De-
velopment 25(4), Dec. 2022 : 880-901.
Resilience and gender have become new buzzwords for expressing re-
newal in peacebuilding. This article unpacks the gender-resilience nexus
in theory and analyses global trends and variation in peacebuilding policy
and practice. It advances an analytical framework based on three central
pillars of peacebuilding: process, outcome, and expertise. A comprehen-
sive analysis of 49 international peacebuilding handbooks, produced by
leading international organisations for policymakers and practitioners in
the field, is conducted. The results show how the integration of the gender-
resilience nexus signals new ways of understanding conflict dynamics and
peacebuilding. Yet, gender peace expertise is ‘thin’ with regard to policies
and practices of resilient conflict transformation. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
73.2977]
73.3291 ALBZOUR, Mai, et al. — Talking to a (segregation) wall: in-
tergroup contact and attitudes toward normalization
among Palestinians from the occupied territories. Political
Psychology 44(1), Feb. 2023 : 43-59.
This article examines how Palestinians' intergroup contact experiences re-
late to their attitudes towards interactions with Israelis (i.e., normalization).
We draw on four recent advances in intergroup contact literature. First,
recent research indicates that positive contact can impede disadvantaged
groups' motivation to challenge inequalities. Second, increased endorse-
ment of normalization mediates this sedative effect of positive contact on
motivation to resist in the West Bank. Third, negative contact has been
related to increased motivation for social change. Fourth, institutions and
societal norms shape the meaning of intergroup contact and its effect on
intergroup relations. We hypothesize that negative experiences at check-
points can act as reminders of institutionalized inequalities and thus atten-
uate sedative effects. Furthermore, we explore the contextual boundary
conditions of such reminder effects. [R, abr.]
73.3292 ALGARA, Carlos — Congressional approval and responsi-
ble party government: the role of partisanship and
Vie politique : opinion publique, attitudes, partis, forces, groupes et élections
387
ideology in citizen assessments of the contemporary US
Congress. Political Behavior 45(1), March 2023 : 33-73.
Whereas it is commonly understood that there is an ideological component
to constituents’ job approval of their individual members of Congress, in
addition to a strong partisan effect, the ideological basis of institutional ap-
proval has not been established. Using cross-sectional and panel survey
data, which allow for scaling citizens and the congressional parties in the
same ideological space, I demonstrate that, distinct from the partisan basis
of congressional approval, citizens’ ideological distance from the majority
party has a separate and distinct effect. These results suggest that the link
between congressional approval and majority party fortunes is rooted in
the collective ideological representation provided by the legislative major-
ity in an increasingly responsible US Congress. [R, abr.]
73.3293 ALLEN, Levi G. ; OLSON, Shayla F. — Racial attitudes and
political preferences among black and white Evangelicals.
Politics and Religion 15(4), Dec. 2022 : 631-648.
How do racial group attitudes shape the political preferences of Black and
white evangelicals? Scholarship has documented the relationship be-
tween religion and race in shaping political behavior and attitudes. How-
ever, less is known about how in-group and out-group racial attitudes op-
erate within religious populations. Using samples of Black and white evan-
gelicals from the 2012 and 2016 American National Election Studies, we
explore the role of racial identity centrality and racial resentment in deter-
mining evangelicals' political preferences. While the role of Black and
white identity among evangelicals is minimal, we find strong and con-
sistent conservatizing effects for racial resentment. Together these find-
ings suggest that the evangelical racial divide is not driven by Black evan-
gelicals' attachment to their racial identity, but that racial resentment may
drive white evangelicals to more conservative political preferences. [R]
73.3294 ALLEN, Peter — Experience, knowledge, and political rep-
resentation. Politics and Gender 18(4), Dec. 2022 : 1112-
1140.
Evidence suggests that increasing the descriptive representation of
groups improves their substantive representation. What underpins this
link? Many scholars writing on the subject stop short of arguing explicitly
that it is “shared experience” within groups. I argue that we should em-
brace the potential conceptual and empirical benefits of framing represen-
tation through experience. To do this, we should think of experience spe-
cifically in terms of the epistemic content and capacities gained through
subjective experience, which can allow individuals to think about the world
in distinct ways. I reframe the idea that experiences might be shared within
groups and ameliorate concerns that the concept is essentialist, drawing
out the political relevance of my argument. This has the strategic implica-
tion that we should be unafraid to argue in favor of political presence on
the basis of (shared) experience and the empirical implication that future
research should consider subjective experience more closely. [R]
73.3295 ALLIE, Feyaad — Facial recognition technology and voter
turnout. Journal of Politics 85(1), Jan. 2023 : 328-333.
States worldwide use facial recognition technology (FRT) to assist in po-
licing citizens, monitoring public goods, and even running elections. This
article asks how FRT in polling stations affects voter turnout. Existing re-
search on technology in elections offers ambiguous predictions for the di-
rection and magnitude of the effect. I leverage a state-run randomized pilot
of FRT in local elections in a municipality in Telangana, India, to show that
polling stations with FRT have lower turnout compared to those without. I
discuss how three possible mechanisms might explain this effect: logistical
issues, shifts in fraudulent activity, and apprehension about government
surveillance particularly among marginalized citizens. The findings should
be viewed as suggestive but indicative of the need for future research on
the consequences that new technologies in governance can have on citi-
zens in democracies. [R]
73.3296 ALONSO-CURBELO, Ana — The voter ID debate: an analy-
sis of political elite framing in the UK Parliament. Parlia-
mentary Affairs 76(1), Jan. 2023 : 62-84.
In 2021, the Conservative UK government announced a proposal to intro-
duce mandatory voter identification (ID) in elections, raising concerns
around how these measures might disenfranchise already marginalised
groups. Using computational content analysis techniques, this study anal-
yses all parliamentary debates to date on voter ID to understand how po-
litical elites frame these requirements. Despite voter ID being justified as
necessary to tackle voter fraud when the new Elections Bill was first an-
nounced, this study instead finds both Conservative and Labour Members
of Parliament agree voter fraud numbers are small. Conservatives never-
theless significantly frame voter ID as necessary to strengthen public con-
fidence in the electoral system, which contrasts Electoral Commission’s
2021 data instead finding 90% of the public consider voting to be safe from
fraud at the polling station. [R, abr.]
73.3297 ALPTEKIN, Hüseyin — Tracking terrorism and counter-ter-
rorism: introducing the Turkey terrorism incidents data-
base. Mediterranean Politics 28(1), 2023 : 124-136.
This research note presents an original dataset on PKK terrorism incidents
in Turkey based on an extensive review of the Turkish-language newspa-
pers. The dataset contains 4579 events, coded across 68 variables, and
over the course of 15 years from 2004 to 2018. The article discusses the
scope and included variables of the dataset and provides insight into how
the PKK engaged in terror attacks and how the Turkish security forces
(military, police, and village guards) carried out counterterrorism opera-
tions. [R]
73.3298 AMSALEM, Eran ; SHEFFER, Lior — Personality and the
policy positions of politicians. Political Psychology 44(1),
Feb. 2023 : 119-138.
We evaluate the role of politicians’ personality traits, measured with the
Big Five typology, in shaping how liberal or conservative their economic
and social policy positions are. While existing research establishes this
link among nonelites, it is far from obvious tha t the same holds for politi-
cians, who have systematically different personality profiles, and whose
positions are constrained by party lines. Using an in-person study of 893
legislators in five countries who completed personality questionnaires and
provided detailed issue positions, we find that Openness to Experience is
strongly and positively predictive of politicians’ liberal positions on both
economic and social policies, but a null relationship for Conscientious-
ness. We discuss implications for the role of elites’ individual characteris-
tics in policymaking. [R, abr.]
73.3299 ANAND, Kusha ; LALL, Marie — The debate between secu-
larism and Hindu nationalism — How India’s textbooks
have become the government’s medium for political com-
munication. India Review 21(1), 2022 : 77-107.
This article provides an insight into the nexus between politics, the state,
the social contract, and school textbooks in India. It critically highlights the
ways in which the discourses of political parties of the (national) Self and
Other are invoked and reflected in school textbooks underpinning the par-
ties’ versions of national identity and transmit their wider political mes-
sages, with devastating results on the debates about Indian citizenship.
There is a clear link between changing political parties at the helm of na-
tional and state governments and which school textbooks are in use. The
article reviews the textbook politics between 1998 and 2020, focusing in
particular on how the present BJP-led government has appointed Hin-
dutva-minded scholars to lead education institutions underpinning the
message of India being a Hindu nation. [R, abr.]
73.3300 ANDERL, Felix — False friends: Leftist nationalism and the
project of transnational solidarity. Journal of International
Political Theory 19(1), Feb. 2023 : 2-20.
A growing number of left-wing scholars criticize practices of transnational
solidarity. Pointing to the cooptation of “globalism” by neoliberal capitalism,
these scholars utilize this critique to advance leftwing nationalism. I recon-
struct symptomatic texts of this genre and identify the critique of (liberal)
cosmopolitanism as the common denominator in their calls for nationaliz-
ing the Left. As a consequence of their opposition to cosmopolitanism,
these authors reject freedom of movement or global justice activism. In
order to examine whether the project of transnational solidarity is affected
by this critique, I reconstruct its justifications in Critical Theory and post-
colonial-feminist theory. Hauke Brunkhorst and Chandra Mohanty exem-
plarily theorize transnational solidarity in different ways, but each based
on a substantial critique of liberal cosmopolitanism. [R, abr.]
73.3301 ANDREOLI, Francesco ; MANZONI, Elena ; MARGOTTI, Mar-
gherita — Women at work: gender quotas, municipal elec-
tions and local spendin g. European Journal of Political
Economy 75, 2023 : 102175.
Gender quotas should foster women's presence in politics, which in turn
may affect local policymaking. This paper investigates this mechanism,
considering indicators of municipality spending in Italy as relevant policy
outcomes. For identification, we rely on the time and geographic variation
in the introduction of a gender quota reform by Law 215/2012. The reform
affected gender composition of candidates in Italian municipal council
elections, resulting in an increase of the share of female councilors of
about 13.9 percentage points. Using the reform as an instrument, we es-
timate that a one percentage point increase in female participation in coun-
cils rises expenditure for local security by about 1% and reduces admin-
istration costs by a comparable amount, whereas evidence on the impact
on other local expenditure items is mixed and not significant. [R, abr.]
73.3302 ANDREWS, Talbot M. ; DELTON, Andrew W. ; KLINE, Reuben
— Who do you trust? Institutions that constrain leaders
help people prevent disaster. Journal of Politics 85(1), Jan.
2023 : 64-75.
Political process : public opinion, attitudes, parties, forces, groups and elections
388
We are vulnerable to disasters, yet citizens hesitate to spend on disaster
prevention. Is this because the problem is too complex? Or are citizens
concerned political elites will behave poorly? Using an experimental eco-
nomic game that simulates disaster, we tested whether people can under-
stand when an institution incentivizes elites to exaggerate the cost of dis-
aster prevention. Citizen players could contribute money to prevent disas-
ter. Leader players knew the cost of prevention and reported it to citizens,
with the option to exaggerate. We manipulated whether the institution al-
lowed leaders to personally benefit if citizens contributed too much. Citi-
zens were sensitive to this, trusting the leader less and contributing less
when leaders could benefit from exaggeration. Thus, players could dis-
criminate between institutions that did and did not create incentives for
inefficiency. [R, abr.]
73.3303 ANGELUCCI, Davide ; CARRIERI, Luca — Not for ideology
but opportunity? The foundations of EU issue-voting in
Eurosceptic Italy. Contemporary Italian Politics 15(1), 2023 :
5-23.
Party-system dynamics and party EU ideology have traditionally influ-
enced trends in EU issue-voting, with opposition and Eurosceptic parties
being more likely to benefit electorally from EU issues. While the electoral
benefits of Eurosceptic and opposition parties on the EU have been sep-
arately analysed, less is known about the persistence of these preference
configurations when Eurosceptic parties move into government. This
raises a key question: Does the electoral potential of Eurosceptic parties
change once they take over government? We address this question focus-
ing on the Italian case, which, due to the experience of having had a fully-
fledged Eurosceptic cabinet in the 2018-2019 period, allows us to test
whether changes in governing/opposition status affect the electoral per-
formance of Eurosceptic/Europhile parties on EU issues.[R, abr.]
73.3304 ANIERI, Paul D’ — Ukraine’s 2019 elections: pro-Russian
parties and the impact of occupation. Europe-Asia Studies
74(10), 2022 : 1915-1936.
The annexation of Crimea and occupation of parts of Donbas removed
from Ukraine’s electorate 3.5 million voters that had previously voted heav-
ily for pro-Russian parties. Examining the 2019 presidential and parlia-
mentary elections, this article asks two questions: how might the results of
the election have been different had voters in occupied Donbas been able
to vote? Do 2019 voting patterns support the thesis that the Ukrainian
electorate had significantly changed its values in the period 2014-2019 or
had long-standing cleavages endured? Voter alignments identified before
2014 persisted, with important implications for Russia’s efforts to win influ-
ence in Ukraine. The weakening of pro-Russian parties caused by Rus-
sia’s invasion in 2014 helped create the conditions in which Russia could
not achieve its goals without an all-out invasion. [R]
73.3305 ANOLL, Allison P. ; ENGELHARDT, Andrew M. ; ISRAEL-
TRUMMEL, Mackenzie — Black lives, white kids: white par-
enting practices following Black-led protests. Perspectives
on Politics 20(4), 2022 : 1328-1345.
Summer 2020 saw widespread protests under the banner Black Lives Mat-
ter. Coupled with the global pandemic that kept America’s children in the
predominant care of their parents, we argue that the latter half of 2020
offers a unique moment to consider whites’ race-focused parenting prac-
tices. We use Google Trends data and posts on public parenting Facebook
pages to show that the remarkable levels of protest activity in summer
2020 served as a focusing event that not only directed Americans’ atten-
tion to racial concepts but connected those concepts to parenting. Using
a national survey of non-Hispanic white parents with white school-age chil-
dren, we show that most white parents spoke with their children about race
during this period and nearly three-quarters took actions to increase racial
diversity in their children’s environment or introduce them to racial politics.
[R, abr.] [See Abstr. 73.3357]
73.3306 ARAT, Yeşim — Democratic backsliding and the instru-
mentalization of women's rights in Turkey. Politics and
Gender 18(4), Dec. 2022 : 911-941.
This article examines the instrumentalization of women's rights and the
transformation of the gender rights regime in the context of democratic
backsliding in Turkey. I show how the Islamically rooted Justice and De-
velopment Party governments and their allies used women's rights in con-
structing authoritarian rule and promoting a conservative gender agenda.
The governing elites had different needs at different political stages and
instrumentalized women's rights to meet those needs. First, they needed
to legitimize their rule in a secular context, so they expanded liberal laws
on women's rights. Second, in the process of backsliding, they sought to
construct and legitimize their conservative ideology, so they reinterpreted
existing laws to promote conservative goals. Finally, they wanted to mobi-
lize conservative women in support of the newly authoritarian regime, so
they built new institutions and marginalized existing women's NGOs. The
article contributes to the literature on regime types and gender rights by
shifting the focus from regime type to regime change. [R]
73.3307 ARGYLE, Lisa P. ; TERMAN, Rochelle ; NELIMARKKA, Matti
— Religious freedom in the city pool: gender segregation,
partisanship, and the construction of symbolic bounda-
ries. Politics and Religion 15(4), Dec. 2022 : 700-721.
Low political support for religious minority groups in the United States is
often explained as a matter of social distance or unfamiliarity between re-
ligious traditions. Observable differences between beliefs and behaviors
of religious minority groups and the cultural mainstream are thought to de-
marcate group boundaries. However, little scholarship has examined why
some practices become symbolic boundaries that reduce support for reli-
gious accommodation in public policy, while nearly identical practices are
tolerated. We hypothesize that politics is an important component of the
process by which some religious practices are transformed into demarca-
tions between “us” and “them.” We conduct an original survey experiment
in which people are exposed to an identical policy demand — women-only
swim times at a local public pool — attributed to three different religious
denominations (Muslim, Jewish, and Pentecostal). We find that people are
less supportive of women-only swim times when the requesting religion is
not a part of their partisan coalition. [R]
73.3308 ARZHEIMER, Kai — A short scale for measuring political
secularism. Politics and Religion 15(4), Dec. 2022 : 827-840.
As religiousness is declining across democracies, scientific interest in sec-
ular orientations and their political implications is growing. One specific
and particularly important aspect of secular attitudes is political secular-
ism. Political secularism is not merely the absence of religiousness, but
rather a world view which holds that religious beliefs should play no role in
politics. While there are hundreds of survey instruments that measure the
strength and content of religiousness, there is no comparable measure
that taps into political secularism. In this research note, I briefly review the
concept of political secularism and present a cluster of items which target
it. Utilizing data from four large population representative samples taken
from the eastern and western states of Germany, I use confirmatory factor
analysis to show that these items form a short but internally consistent
scale. [R, abr.]
73.3309 ASH, Konstantin — How did Tunisians react to Ennahdha’s
2016 reforms? Evidence from a survey experiment. Medi-
terranean Politics 28(1), 2023 : 73-97.
This study looks at public reaction to 2016 reforms made by Ennahdha,
Tunisia’s most prominent Islamist party, to formally separate from its reli-
gious wing. Interviews with Ennahdha’s electoral strategists suggest they
expected resurgent support from both secular Tunisians and beneficiaries
from the party’s social programmes. Nevertheless, Ennahdha’s vote share
declined in 2019’s parliamentary elections. A survey experiment con-
ducted in 2017 randomly primed Tunisians with news of Ennahdha’s re-
forms. While the reforms themselves were viewed favourably by secular
and educated Tunisians, the party did not gain in aggregate favourability
and lost support among less-educated and non-secular Tunisians. [R]
73.3310 ASH, Konstantin — Protesting for autocracy: economic vul-
nerability and anti-democratic protest attendance in Tuni-
sia. Democratization 30(2), 2023 : 173-194.
Economic vulnerability has been linked to pro-democracy protests in au-
tocracies. This study suggests that the economically vulnerable are also
more likely to participate in protests in support of autocracy in democra-
cies. When democratically-elected governments are perceived as incapa-
ble of resolving economic problems, but are not democratically removable,
the economically vulnerable should gather and call for an authoritarian
takeover. The theory is tested through a representative survey of 1,000
Tunisian respondents. Results show underemployed Tunisians are gener-
ally more likely to say they would attend protests demanding military inter-
vention and significantly more than protests demanding local reform. The
findings suggest that just as economically vulnerable individuals can de-
stabilize autocracies through protest, they can also destabilize unconsoli-
dated democracies through public agitation for authoritarianism. [R]
73.3311 AZEVEDO, Flavio ; MARQUES, Tamara ; MICHELI, Leticia —
In pursuit of racial equality: identifying the determinants
of support for the Black Lives Matter movement with a
systematic review and multiple meta-analyses. Perspec-
tives on Politics 20(4), 2022 : 1305-1327.
The Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement arose to put a much-needed
spotlight on police brutality and systemic racism. In two comprehensive
studies, we investigate the determinants of support for the BLM move-
ment. First, in a systematic review 1,588 records were identified and find-
ings from twenty-four studies (Npooled =27,691) were narratively synthe-
sized along five categories relating to demographics, race, partisanship
and ideology, discrimination and prejudice, and psychology. Second, we
exhaustively examined the determinants of BLM support across thirteen
probability-based nationally representative datasets (Npooled =31,779),
finding thirty-seven common predictors for which individual meta-analyses
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