VI International Relations / Relations Internationales
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345231157669 |
| Published date | 01 February 2023 |
| Date | 01 February 2023 |
107
VI
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration in ternationales
73.888 ABBOTT, Pamela ; TETI, Andrea — Strangers in plain sight:
conceptions of democracy in EU Neighbourhood Policy
and public opinion across North Africa. Journal of North Af-
rican Studies 27(4), 2022 : 691-713.
We draw innovatively on new and existing public opinion survey data car-
ried out across North African countries since 2011 to provide a ‘view from
below’ of the type of democracy that citizens of North African countries
want and compare this conception with the type of democracy the Euro-
pean Union (EU) ‘offers’ its counterparts in the ‘Southern Neighbourhood’.
This comparison shows there is a mismatch between what citizens want
and what the EU is offering. While citizens want a ‘thicker’, socially just
democracy, the EU ‘offers’ a market democracy that prioritises a limited
number of civil and political rights. Social and economic rights are discur-
sively constructed as macroeconomic issues relevant to the stability and
consolidation of democracy rather than human rights as integral to democ-
racy as their civil-political counterparts. [R]
73.889 ADAM, Antonis ; TSARSITALIDOU, Sofia — The effect of In-
ternational Development Association's (IDA) aid on con-
flict. A fuzzy regression discontinuity approach. European
Journal of Political Economy 74, Sept. 2022 : 102162.
We explore the relationship between the World Bank's International De-
velopment Association (IDA) aid and domestic conflict. As IDA aid is dis-
tributed only to countries that fall below an income threshold, we employ
a (fuzzy) regression discontinuity approach to estimate the causal effect
of aid on conflict. Our results suggest that IDA aid leads to a decrease in
protest events, such as anti-government demonstrations, strikes, and ri-
ots, and in an increase in violent events that involve forms of aggression,
like assassinations of political leaders, purges, and revolutions. Our re-
sults, as well as a series of robustness tests, are consistent with the view
that foreign aid may increase popular support for the government, thus
reducing protests, and at the same time increase conflict over lootable aid
rents, and so increasing events of extreme aggression. [R]
73.890 ÅLANDER, Minna — A Presidência alemã do Conselho em
2020 e o fim da era Merkel (German Council Presidency
2020 and the end of the Merkel era). Relações internacionais
70, June 2021 : 79-94.
Since the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, the EU Council Presidency
has been mainly responsible for the internal coordination and organisation
of the Council’s daily work. Only under certain circumstances it assumes
a leadership role that goes beyond day-to-day management — such as in
2020, as Germany took on the Presidency in a moment of unprecedented
crisis. Chancellor Angela Merkel demonstrated her expertise as crisis
manager one more time and used the chance to mark her European leg-
acy with the ‘Next Generation EU’ recovery package. Last words about
Chancellor Merkel as a European lea- der have yet to be said, however,
as her party’s popularity is plummeting in the polls in the run-up to the
federal elections in Germany. [R] [See Abstr. 73.1065]
73.891 ALAYRAC, Pierre, et al. — Des bureaucraties poreuses?
Les interactions de la Commission européenne et du
Secrétariat du conseil avec leur environnement, et leur in-
fluence sur leurs préférences en termes de gouvernance
(“Porous” bureaucracies? External interactions and their
influence on governance preferences in the European
Commission and the Council Secretariat). Revue française
d'Administration publique 181, 2022 : 41-64.
The EU institutions and the people who work for them are often considered
remote and unresponsive. While the European Commission is depicted as
a distant technocracy, the Council Secretariat is viewed as secretive and
introspective. This paper puts these assumptions to the empirical test and
finds against the accepted wisdoms. Drawing on two original datasets, it
maps patterns of interaction with external actors for both parts of the EU
administration. It shows not only that the European Commission and
Council Secretariat are in constant contact with outside actors, but that
their preferences about whether decision-making authority should be lo-
cated at the EU or at national level are affected, even if the governance
preferences of staff in the Council Secretariat are less influenced. [R] [See
Abstr. 73.274]
73.892 ALDAMA, Pierre ; CREEL, Jérôme — Real-time fiscal policy
responses in the OECD from 1997 to 2018: procyclical but
sustainable? European Journal of Political Economy 73, June
2022 : 102135.
This paper presents empirical evidence of asymmetric fiscal policy along
the business cycle, using a real-time panel dataset on 19 OECD countries
from 1997 to 2018. We estimate various specifications of fiscal policy re-
actions, in which ex ante fiscal policy has two major objectives: macroeco-
nomic stabilization and fiscal consolidation. First, we find evidence in favor
of asymmetric fiscal policy along the business cycle, in particular regarding
the response to output gap. Second, fiscal policy appears to be procyclical
in downturns and a-cyclical in upturns. Third, we find evidence that fiscal
policy is sustainable but we do not find evidence of stronger fiscal consol-
idation in downturns. Our results are robust to alternative estimators, to an
alternative measure of business cycle and to country exclusion. [R, abr.]
73.893 ALEXANDER, David A. — Expertise, turnover and refresh-
ment within the committees of the European Parliament:
as much like Sisyphus pushing the boulder up the moun-
tain as we may think? Journal of European Integration 44(7),
2022 : 899-917.
Expertise is a resource, which parliamentary committees organise to sup-
port the legislative work of their plenaries. Informational theories posit that
expertise is gained from time spent on committee, so how does the com-
mittee system of the European Parliament (EP) react to high levels of
membership turnover? Using qualitative interview evidence and CV data,
this paper explores how expertise is utilised within the EP’s committee sys-
tem and provides some alternative accounts of its usage. This paper
demonstrates that membership turnover, an inevitability of democratic leg-
islatures and perceived as detrimental to committees from the loss of ex-
perienced policymakers, can have potentially positive benefits. I find that
turnover can not only refresh the observed committees’ institutional rela-
tionships but also clear away potential deadwood that is manifested as
members who are past their policymaking primes. [R, abr.]
73.894 AZIZ, Nusrate ; CHOWDHURY, Murshed ; COORAY, Arusha
— Why do people from wealthy countries migrate? Euro-
pean Journal of Political Economy 73, June 2022 : 102156.
This study estimates the role of governance and institutions in bilateral mi-
gration between countries in the OECD over the period 1996 to 2016. We
estimate an extended random utility model of migration using pooled OLS,
fixed effects, 2SLS, and PPML estimators. Our findings indicate that insti-
tutional quality plays a significa nt role in bilateral migration be tween the
OECD countries. Political institutions are found to play a more important
role compared to economic institutions. We also examine the moderating
role of migration policy in fostering the nexus between the quality of insti-
tutions and bilateral migration, using three measures: the Migration Policy
Index (MPI), and sub-sample analyses using both top OECD to OECD mi-
gration destinations and Schengen area countries. [R, abr.]
73.895 BALCI, Ali ; DUMAN, Talha Ismail — Muslim solidarity in the
UN General Assembly: evidence from elections of rotating
members to the Security Council. Global Governance 28(3),
Sept. 2022 : 330-354.
In international politics, governments may tend to favor countries with
which they share some degree of cultural affinity. Moreover, international
organizations can strengthen solidarity among their members. Not surpris-
ingly, Muslim countries, which came together under the umbrella of the
Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), frequently state that they pur-
sue Muslim solidarity in international politics. By looking at voting prefer-
ences of OIC member Muslim countries in the UN General Assembly about
the selection of nonpermanent UN Security Council members, this article
aims to understand Muslim solidarity in international politics. For this, the
article uses newspaper reports, political statements, secret intelligence re-
ports, and interviews regarding the votes of Muslim countries in contested
elections in which a Muslim country competed with its non-Muslim rival for
the same Security Council seat. [R]
73.896 BARBIER-GAUCHARD, Amélie ; SIMON, Agathe — L’UE à
l’épreuve des crises économiques: comment le budget
International relations
108
communautaire 2021-2027 a-t-il pu s’adapter? (The Euro-
pean Union at the test of economic crisis: how has the EU
budget 2021-2027 adapted?). Revue française d'Administra-
tion publique 181, 2022 : 127-139.
For almost 15 years, the EU has been facing periods of turbulence (sub-
prime crisis in 2008, public finance crisis from 2010, health crisis since
2020). The European institutions have had to react by reconciling the con-
straints imposed by the Community budget with the need to intervene
quickly and effectively at European level to deal with the economic crisis.
For 2021- 2027, Community public intervention is characterised by inno-
vative public intervention instruments which complement the multi-annual
financial framework, namely the Next Generation EU recovery plan and
the InvestEU programme, which are mainly financed by the European cap-
ital markets. [R] [See Abstr. 73.274]
73.897 BARBOT, Maëlle — Le rapport annuel d’activité et le cycle
de programmation: les transformations administratives
de l’UE au prisme des instruments de la réforme Kinnock
(The annua l activity report and the programming cycle:
the EU’s administrative transformations through the lens
of Kinnock reform instruments). Revue française d'Admin-
istration publique 181, 2022 : 203-211.
The strategic planning and programming dimension of the Kinnock reform
has brought many changes to the Commission’s practices and culture.
The management instruments introduced by this reform enable us to deal
with the centralization process, administrative relations, and the im-
portance of controls. It provides an understanding of the changing para-
digms and culture of the European Commission and the links between
management and politics. [R] [See Abstr. 73.274]
73.898 BATZELLA, Francesca — Engaged but constrained. As-
sessing EU actorness in the case of Nord Stream 2. Journal
of European Integration 44(6), 2022 : 821-835.
Despite helpful categorizations about the EU’s role in external energy gov-
ernance, more analysis is needed on the factors likely to enable or con-
strain the EU’s actorness. This article builds on the theoretical framework
of actorness as a heuristic device to assess the extent to which its different
components of opportunity, capability, and presence impact on the EU’s
ability to be an actor in external energy governance. Looking at the case
study of Nord Stream 2, the pipeline aiming to double the amount of en-
ergy transiting from Russia to Germany, the article argues that EU actor-
ness depends on several constraining factors, such as the distribution of
competence between the EU and its member states, the unwillingness of
the latter to delegate competence to the former, and the existence of con-
flicting preferences across member states. [R, abr.]
73.899 BAUMANN, Max-Otto — Policy advice in UN development
work: high expectations and practical constraints. Global
Governance 28(3), Sept. 2022 : 382-404.
Providing high-level policy advice to developing countries with the purpose
to shape national policies is a key function of the UN. Yet no official UN
definition of policy advice exists and little is known on how much weight
the UN gives to this support modality in contrast to capacity -building and
implementation work. This article first articulates the case for the UN’s role
in policy change. It then presents an empirical analysis of the policy advice
landscape of the UN, providing a numerical estimate of the share of re-
sources dedicated to policy advice and identifying five practical constraints
on the UN’s policy advice function. Results suggest that, despite high ex-
pectations, the UN’s fieldwork is not strategically focused on policy advice.
[R, abr.]
73.900 BAYRAM, A. Burcu ; GRAHAM, Erin R. — Knowing how to
give: international organization funding knowledge and
public support for aid delivery channels. Journal of Politics
84(4), Oct. 2022 : 1885-1898.
What shapes public support for aid delivery through international organi-
zations (IOs)? Drawing on delegation theory, we propose that concerns
about donor governments losing control over aid dampens public support
for IO delivery. We theorize and provide examples of how two sets of con-
trol concerns animate public preferences: those incurred through shared
decision-making in multilateral bodies and those incurred during disburse-
ment and implementation. We hypothesize that information regarding the
practice of donors earmarking contributions to IOs should mitigate these
concerns and increase public support for IO delivery. Results from original
survey experiments administered to nationally representative samples in
the US and Germany provide support for our argument, while open-ended
responses illuminate the role of (mis)trust in IOs and governments. [R]
73.901 BELELI, Ozsel — Trusting relationships, learning bureau-
crats: international organizations and early-stage policy
diffusion. Global Social Policy 22(1), Apr. 2022 : 103-121.
This article examines the diffusion of the conditional cash transfer (CCT)
model to Turkey and Indonesia, and the role of World Bank bureaucrats in
these cases of early-stage diffusion. The article finds that learning, and not
coercion or emulation, is the primary mechanism of policy diffusion in both
cases. This learning was mediated by the World Bank bureaucrats even
before the CCT model gained mainstream acceptance inside the World
Bank. The findings from these two cases suggest World Bank bureaucrats
to be engaging in domestic policy processes not by ‘powering’ but by par-
ticipating in the national bureaucrats’ ‘puzzling’. The findings also under-
line the importance of trusting relationships between international and na-
tional bureaucrats in these policy processes. More broadly, the article
makes the case for conceptualizing international organizations (IOs) as or-
ganizations with heterogeneous staff who play more nuanced and contin-
gent roles in policy diffusion processes than is commonly conceived. [R]
73.902 BERTHET, Valentine — Mobilization against sexual harass-
ment in the European Parliament: the MeTooEP campaign.
European Journal of Women's Studies 29(2), May 2022 : 331-
346.
The international #MeToo campaign against sexual harassment consti-
tutes the most prominent contemporary campaign against sexual harass-
ment worldwide. It exposed the issue by undermining the ‘culture of si-
lence’ prevailing in several contexts, including political institutions. This ar-
ticle analyses one specific variant of #MeToo, the campaign MeTooEP that
emerged in the European Parliament (EP). MeTooEP is unique in many
ways: it was the first collective action against sexual harassment in parlia-
ments emerging in the #MeToo aftermath and it was the first collective
action within the EP led by members of the staff, which eventually drove
some internal policy changes. Using a unique, large interview dataset, the
analysis shows how the actors behind MeTooEP were crucial in shaping
the campaign. Their knowledge of institutional rules, practices and daily
presence in the EP facilitated their advocacy and transformed the Parlia-
ment into an enabling platform for their actions. [R, abr.]
73.903 BIGLAISER, Glen ; McGAUVRAN, Ronald J. — The effects
of IMF loan conditions on poverty in the developing world.
Journal of International Relations and Development 25(3),
Sept. 2022 : 806-833.
Although the IMF claims that poverty-reduction is one of its objectives,
some studies show that IMF borrower countries experience higher rates of
poverty. This paper investigates the effects of IMF loan conditions on pov-
erty. Using a sample of 81 developing countries from 1986 to 2016, we
find that IMF loan arrangements containing structural reforms contribute to
more people getting trapped in the poverty cycle, as the reforms involve
deep and comprehensive changes that tend to raise unemployment, lower
government revenue, increase costs of basic services, and restructure tax
collection, pensions, and social security programmes. Conversely, we ob-
serve that loan arrangements promoting stabilisation reforms have less
impact on the poor because borrower states hold more discretion over their
macroeconomic targets. Further, we disaggregate structural reforms to
identify the particular policies that increase poverty. [R, abr.]
73.904 BORDIER, Sophia ; GEORGAKAKIS, Didier — Qui dirige les
administrations du triangle institutionnel et des agences?
(Who leads the administrations of the institutional triangle
and the agencies?). Revue française d'Administration
publique 181, 2022 : 65-86.
This paper is a statistical analysis of the European institutional triangle and
agencies’ directors of administration. What are the profiles of the directors,
how do they differ and what does it tell us more broadly about the socio-
logical structures of administrative power within the EU institutions? In or-
der to understand this, the paper analyses the profile of 95 directors of
European administration through the prism of different socio-biographical
variables (age, gender, nationality) and those related to career types and
training. Finally, a Multiple Co rrespondence Analysis is used to construct
the cartography of this administrative fraction of the Eurocracy field. [R]
[See Abstr. 73.274]
73.905 BOROŃSKA-HRYNIEWIECKA, Karolina ; KINSKI, Lucy —
The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly: a transna-
tional accountability forum in a time of crisis? Journal of
Legislative Studies 28(3), 2022 : 467-487.
The Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) set up in March
2019 is the result of an unprecedented collaboration between the parlia-
ments of the two most powerful member states of the EU. While this bi-
parliamentary assembly has received some attention by political think
tanks, we know very little about its potential transfo rmative effect on bilat-
eral executive accountability as well as on the accountability and the sali-
ence of EU economic governance in the context of the COVID-19 pan-
demic. Based on an extensive document analysis and on semi-structured
interviews with FGPA members and staff, we show that to a large extent
the FGPA has become a forum of transnational accountability that cuts
across the traditional domestic and EU channels of executive oversight.
Relations internationales
109
Our findings also reveal that the pandemic has increased the FGPA’s
oversight activity and allowed for the (re-)emergence of EMU matters on
the shared parliamentary and executive agenda. [R] [See Abstr. 73.262]
73.906 BOUGREA, Anissa ; ORBIE, Jan ; VERMEIREN, Mattias —
The new European financial architecture for development:
change or continuity? European Foreign Affairs Review
27(3), Oct. 2022 : 337-360.
After years of discussions, the EU’s new development finance architecture
finally came into being under the umbrella of the ‘Status Quo Plus’. This
article aims to, firstly, bring much-needed clarification in the nebulous land-
scape of EU development finance; and secondly, gain a more profound
understanding of recent changes by examining to what extent they witness
change or continuity. Based on a large variety of empirical data and sec-
ondary literature, we find that EU development finance has witnessed sig-
nificant institutional changes while ideological trends are continued. Insti-
tutionally, we elaborate on the simplification of instruments, a shift in their
accessibility — in favour of national development agencies and private ac-
tors whereby the European Investment Bank (EIB) loses its monopoly on
commercial guarantees — and a reshuffling of power play in favour of the
European Commission and (larger) EU Member States. [R, abr.]
73.907 BRISSAUD, Constantin — La quantification internationale
au concret: luttes autour de la nomenclature des dé-
penses de santé à L’OCDE (Concrete practices of interna-
tional quantification: conflict regarding health spending
nomenclature at the OECD). Revue française de Science
politique 72(1-2), Jan.-Apr. 2022 : 103-126.
This article sheds light on the differentiation of international health regula-
tions by analyzing meetings that focused on revising health accounts no-
menclature as established by the OECD between 2017 and 2019. Where
the political sociology of international affairs tends to focus on interviews
and archival analysis, this article combines these methods with the obser-
vation of negotiations involving States and international health organiza-
tions to reveal the fundamentally agonistic dimension of international
health regulations. It reveals that the struggle between organizations to
obtain State funds often takes the form of proxy battles, waged by dele-
gates to impose the indicators historically favored by their own organiza-
tion. On the methodological level, this article argues for a more systematic
combination of observation with the other methods in the toolbox of inter-
national sociology. On the theoretical level, it reveals the asymmetry of
international health regulations and proposes a typology of strategies for
actors who seek to change it. [R]
73.908 BROUDE, Tomer ; HAFTEL, Yoram Z. — The growing pains
of actorness: the European Union in global investment
governance. Journal of European Integration 44(5), 2022 :
749-768.
Foreign investment is governed by thousands of international investment
agreements (IIAs), many of which include investor-state dispute settle-
ment (ISDS) provisions. Member states have played a prominent role in
the evolution and shape of this decentralized global investment regime.
The EU itself has become an actor in this regime since gaining compe-
tence in this area in 2009. This article examines the manners by which
investment policies of the EU and its member states have evolved over
time and their implications for the EU’s actorness. Using, first, the concept
and metric of state regulatory space, we show that the EU is more enthu-
siastic than its member state s about reforms, but that a lack of internal
cohesiveness and a competitive external environment limit its actorness.
Second, drawing on recent discussions on ISDS reforms, we highlight the
increasing ability of the EU to speak up with one voice on global invest-
ment rules. [R] [See Abstr. 73.975]
73.909 BROUWER, Nils ; DE HAAN, Jakob — Trust in the ECB:
drivers and consequences. European Journal of Political
Economy 74, Sept. 2022 : 102262.
We use a survey among Dutch households to analyze trust in the Euro-
pean Central Bank (ECB). Our results confirm a positive association be-
tween respondents’ right-wing ideology, knowledge of the ECB, and trust
in other European institutions on the one hand and trust in the ECB on the
other. A novel result is that we also find that individuals who were clients
of a bank that received government support during the global financial cri-
sis trust the ECB more. Furthermore, our results suggest that inflation ex-
pectations of respondents who trust the ECB are more in line with the
ECB’s inflation target. [R] [See Abstr. 73.435]
73.910 BUCHET DE NEUILLY, Yves — Y a-t-il un pilote dans la
gestion des crises? Attentes et enjeux de cohérence dans
les interventions européennes extérieures (Is there a pilot
in crisis management? Expectations and issues of coher-
ence in European international interventions). Revue fran-
çaise d'Administration publique 181, 2022 : 149-165.
Through the example of European Union response to the crisis in the Cen-
tral African Republic, this paper aims to grasp the more general issues of
the division of labor in crisis management and the articulation between ac-
tors intervening in a plurality of sectors of international relations (political
diplomacy, collective security, development, humanitarian aid), all of which
are put under pressure by expectations of coordination, coherence, and
integrated approach. The paper shows that crisis managers are caught up
in the dynamics of competitive cooperation for the control and allocation of
public resources. The labeling of a situation as a “crisis” opens opportuni-
ties for action and claims, while potentially raising intense coordina tion is-
sues. [R] [See Abstr. 73.274]
73.911 CAPPELLINA, Bartolomeo, et al. — Ever more soft law? A
dataset to compare binding and non-binding EU law
across policy areas and over time (2004-2019). European
Union Politics 23(4), Dec. 2022 : 741-757.
What characterizes EU soft law and what are its implications for the EU
multilevel system? What is the proportion of hard and soft law in EU policy?
Which types of soft law act are adopted in different policy sectors? This
article introduces the conceptual and analytical framework that encom-
passes the EfSoLaw dataset and explains its methodology, advantages,
and limitations. This dataset unites information on thousands of EU hard
and soft law acts from seven different policy sectors, drawn from over fif-
teen years (2004-2019) and from various sources (EUR-Lex, DGs, agen-
cies). We present implementation options of the dataset making it exploit-
able for other scholars and we propose hypotheses to explain the variation
in the adoption of soft law in different policy sectors. [R]
73.912 CASCANT-SEMPERE, Josep — To be or not to be a cam-
paigning organisation: the case of the NGO ActionAid. De-
velopment in Practice 32(5), 2022 : 583-596.
Can a service-delivery-born development NGO become a campaigning or-
ganisation? The short answer is “yes, but”. In the past decade, ActionAid
made bold steps, such as shifting its global strategy towards campaigning,
developing an international network of campaigners, and using non-cam-
paign functions such as programmes and fundraising to mobilise unusual
activists. However, these happened in a context of charity sector re-
strictions and an organigram still heavily based on programmes. This study
talks to the debates about the political relevance of development NGOs,
suggesting that politicisation processes often happen through “tense op-
portunities” where hybrid apolitical and political dimensions coexist. [R]
73.913 CEPALUNI, Gabriel ; FERNANDES, Ivan Filipe — United we
stand and divided we fall: coalitions in the GATT/WTO ne-
gotiations. International Political Science Review 43(4), Sept.
2022 : 547-563.
Coalition-formation is considered an important tool to leverage bargaining
power in GATT/WTO negotiations. While most of the literature has focused
on developing countries, we show that sizable economies are the primary
users of coalitions at the GATT/WTO. We also find evidence that middle
powers do not exhibit distinctive collectivist behavior at the WTO. There is
a linear and strong relationship between countries’ economic power —
measured as real GDP — and coalition participation within the GATT/WTO
system. We explain these results, presenting evidence that large econo-
mies — countries that have greater trade negotiations power — join coali-
tions more often because they are better equipped to absorb transaction
costs and more prepared to deal with the uncertainty of WTO negotiations.
[R, abr.]
73.914 CHARLES, Lorraine — Refugees but not refugees: the
UAE’s response to the Syrian refugee crisis viewed
through the lived experience of Syrians in Abu Dhabi. Jour-
nal of Refugee Studies 34(2), June 2021 : 1423-1440.
The UAE is not a signatory to the the United Nations 1951 Refugee Con-
vention and its 1967 Protocol. As such, it does not recognize individuals
fleeing war or persecution as refugees. Instead, the UAE has allowed for
the presence of Syrians and other vulnerable populations within its existing
migration framework, the kafala system, using the temporary visas offered
under this labour migration system as ‘an asylum policy by proxy’ or ‘quasi-
asylum policy’. Despite this restrictive local response, the UAE is extremely
generous internationally. The contradictory nature of the UAE’s response
will be highlighted, where on one hand, it restricts admissions, yet on the
other, it has been generous in terms of international aid to the Syrian crisis
— the UAE’s version of the grand compromise. This research ultimately
aims to understand how the UAE’s policy of ‘migrants’ (referring to tempo-
rary labour admissions), not ‘refugees’, and its ‘quasi-asylum policy’ has
impacted the lived experience of a group of vulnerable Syrian families in
Abu Dhabi. [R] [See Abstr. 73.754]
73.915 CHERUVU, Sivaram ; FJELSTUL, Joshua C. — Improving
the efficiency of pretrial bargaining in disputes over non-
compliance with international law: encouraging evidence
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