VI International Relations / Relations Internationales
| Published date | 01 June 2023 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/00208345231182643 |
| Date | 01 June 2023 |
436
VI
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES
(a) International law, organization and administration/Droit international, organisation et administration in ternationales
73.3747 ADAKU, Ebenezer, et al. — Regional legislative evaluation
capacity and the oversight function: a diagnostic study of
the Economic Community of West African States (ECO-
WAS) Parliament. Journal of Legislative Studies 28(4), 2022 :
606-626.
This study sought to diagnose the evaluation capacity of the Economic
Community of West African States Parliament (ECOWAS-P) in respect of
its ability to perform the oversight function. The study employed a qualita-
tive approach, specifically a focus group discussion (FGD), to explore and
understand the evaluation capacity of the Parliament. Twelve participants
constituted the FGD, mainly from four key units of the Parliament, namely:
the Office of the Secretary General; the Directorate of Parliamentary Af-
fairs and Research; Office of the Bureau of the ECOWAS-P; and Members
of the ECOWAS-P. The study found out that the evaluation capacity of the
ECOWAS-P is considered weak with limited capacity as well as nascent
with significant gaps. This has implications for the effective performance
of the Parliament’s oversight responsibility. The study, thus, suggests
measures to enhance the evaluation capacity of the Parliament. [R]
73.3748 AKALIYSKI, Plamen ; WELZEL, Christian ; HIEN, Josef — A
community of shared values? Dimensions and dynamics
of cultural integration in the European Union. Journal of
European Integration 44(4), 2022 : 569-590.
The series of recent crises (EURO, refugees, backsliding, Brexit) chal-
lenge the self-portrayal of the EU as a community of shared values.
Against this backdrop, we analyse European Values Study data from 1990
till 2020 to assess the level and change in publics’ acceptance of the EU’s
officially propagated values: personal freedom, individual autonomy, so-
cial solidarity, ethnic tolerance, civic honesty, gender equality and liberal
democracy. We find that EU publics support these values strongly and
increasingly over time. The EU-member publics are also remarkably dis-
tinct culturally from Eastern European non-EU-nations, especially con-
cerning individual freedoms and gender equality. Simultaneously, how-
ever, member nations internalize EU-values at different speeds — along-
side traditional religious fault lines that continue to differentiate Europe —
in the following order from fastest to slowest: (1) Protestant, (2) Ca tholic,
(3) Ex-communist and (4) Orthodox countries. In conclusion, the EU writ
large evolves into a distinct value-sharing community at different speeds.
[R]
73.3749 ALONSO SAENZ DE OGER, Sonia ; SÁNCHEZ-CUENCA, Ig-
nacio — EU intervention vs. national autonomy: do citi-
zens really care? European Politics and Society 23(2), 2022 :
243-261.
Conventional wisdom about the European sovereign debt crisis and its
handling defends that fiscal austerity is unpopular and that external condi-
tionality and/or imposition on national democracies generates backlash.
However, not enough research has addressed this question: how willing
are citizens to accept unpopular policies imposed on their national govern-
ments by European institutions? Would they object to unpopular policies
less if these were coming from their national representatives? In this arti-
cle, we propose a survey experiment, complemented by four focus groups,
to test whether citizens’ willingness to accept economic policies varies de-
pending on whether the decision originates in the national parliament or in
EU institutions. The experiment was conducted in Spain in 2017. Our re-
sults show that agreement with a particular policy does not depend on the
policy-making actor but on the policy’s content. [R, abr.]
73.3750 AMATO, Silvia D’ ; TERLIZZI, Andrea — Strategic European
counterterrorism? An empirical analysis. European Secu-
rity 31(4), 2022 : 540-557.
This paper investigates the extent to which the European Union is strate-
gically engaging against terrorism. It builds on traditional scholarship on
strategic thinking and elaborates an analytical framework to empirically
assess strategic policy formulation at the supranational level in the case
of terrorism. The framework revolves around three analytical categories:
(1) threat assessment; (2) objectives setting; and (3) policy measures.
Through qualitative content analysis of text data, we show that, while ob-
jectives are clearly presented in the documents, the threat that the strategy
is supposed to counter is unspecified. In addition to that, the formulation
of concrete policy measures remains largely vague. [R, abr.]
73.3751 BACKMAN, Sarah — Risk vs. threat-based cybersecurity:
the case of the EU. European Security 32(1), 2023 : 85-103.
In a relatively short time, cybersecurity has risen to become one of the
EU’s security priorities. While the institutionalisation of EU-level cyberse-
curity capacities has been substantial since the first EU cybersecurity strat-
egy was published, previous research has also identified resistance from
member states to allow the EU to have more control over their cybersecu-
rity activities. Despite a growing literature on EU cybersecurity govern-
ance, there are currently extensive gaps in the understanding of this ten-
sion. This study suggests that an explanatory factor can be found in the
so-far overlooked dynamic of the relative prevalence of risk vs. threat-
based security logics in the EU cybersecurity approach. By distinguishing
between risk and threat-based logics in the development of the EU cyber-
security discourse over time, this study highlights a shift towards an in-
creasing threat-based security logic in the EU cybersecurity approach. The
identified development highlights securitising moves enacting to a larger
extent than before objects and subjects of security traditionally associated
with national security. [R, abr.]
73.3752 BADACHE, Fanny ; HELLMÜLLER, Sara ; SALAYMEH, Bilal
— Conflict management or conflict resolution: how do ma-
jor powers conceive the role of the United Nations in
peacebuilding? Contemporary Security Policy 43(4), 2022 :
547-571.
This article examines how major powers conceive the role of the United
Nations (UN) in peacebuilding. We conceptualize the UN’s role along the
distinction between conflict management and conflict resolution and distin-
guish between the types of tasks and the approach the UN can adopt. We
map states’ conceptions of the UN’s role in peacebuilding by coding
peace-related speeches at the UN Security Council (1991-2020) delivered
by China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States as well
as Brazil, South Africa, and Turkey as rising regional powers. Our findings
show that states’ conceptions differ regarding the type of tasks the UN
should do. However, the main fault line between the countries lie in the
approach the UN should adopt to conduct peacebuilding tasks. We con-
clude that major powers see a role for the UN beyond mere conflict man-
agement as long as it is done with respect for national sovereignty. [R]
73.3753 BAKUMENKO, Stefan — The United Nations’ modernity
problem: a stabilisation doctrine for the future? Global
Change, Peace and Security 34(1), 2022 : 17-35.
This paper examines the role of UN peacekeeping operations in modern
conflict. It advocates for a new peacekeeping doctrine for stabilisation op-
erations. The UN has authorised four such stabilisation missions, wading
into challenging frontiers of asymm etrical warfare, endemic conflict, and
multidimensional mandates. This article begins by surveying discourse on
stabilisation at the UN, among its key members, and among the academic
community. It highlights the penchant for strategic ambiguity that has pre-
vented the UN from establishing clear stabilisation doctrine for its Blue Hel-
mets. It then analyses the two case studies of Haiti and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC), the UN’s first two forays into official stabili-
sation operations. [R, abr.]
73.3754 BALCI, Ali — Do gladiators fight for their masters? Voting
behavior of the US-promoted United Nations Security
Council members in the early Cold War. PS 56(1), Jan.
2023 : 36-41.
The US took an active role in promoting some countries for a UN Security
Council seat as part of its struggle with the Soviet Union during the early
Cold War. Did these US-backed countries act in the interests of their pro-
moter when they voted in the Council? Were these efforts of the United
States advantageous? By studying the voting behavior of the US-backed
countries between 1946 and 1965, this article answers the question of
whether promoting some states to international institutions is beneficial for
the great powers. [R]
73.3755 BARACANI, Elena ; SAROTTO, Virginia — The European
Relations internationales
437
Commission’s role in EU-Turkey migration: political lead-
ership through strategic framing. West European Politics
46(3), 2022 : 573-599.
This article presents an ideational perspective of new institutional leader-
ship and applies it to the European Commission’s role in the policy process
concerning the EU -Turkey cooperation on migration from 2014 to 2016.
On a conceptual and methodological level, through searching for evidence
of the causal mechanism of ‘strategic framing’, the article traces how the
Commission deployed its ideas in the different phases of the policy-making
process. This contribution feeds into the claim for new institutional leader-
ship by revealing how such ideas shaped some of the main policy out-
comes in the EU–Turkey cooperation during the refugee crisis. The idea-
tional perspective of new institutional leadership also suggests that the
Juncker Commission’s ‘strategic framing’ was part of the EU’s broader
principled realism philosophy that led the Commission to take some con-
testable political choices. [R]
73.3756 BARILE, Davide — Memory and the integration. The Euro-
pean Parliament’s 2019 resolution on European remem-
brance as a case study. Journal of European Integration
43(8), 2021 : 989-1004.
In September 2019, the European Parliament adopted a resolution that
sparked controversy due to its equation of Nazism and Communism. The
document made the USSR jointly responsible for the outbreak of the Sec-
ond World War and accused the Russian government of whitewashing
communist crimes and glorifying the Soviet totalitarian regime. This article
presents the resolution as the latest expression of a broader discursive
process that started with the accession process of the Central and Eastern
European countries. To support this hypothesis, I examine the genealogy
of the resolution, namely the documents that originally outlined the stances
expressed by the latter, as well as the debates at the EU Parliament that
preceded its adoption. This analysis highlights in particular two fundamen-
tal tendencies, i.e. the entanglement of history and memory characterising
the recent discourse on European integration and the frequent identifica-
tion of the Central and Eastern European member states as victims. [R,
abr.]
73.3757 BARRINHA, André ; CHRISTOU, G. — Speaking sover-
eignty: the EU in the cyber domain. European Security
31(3), 2022 : 356-376.
The EU’s revised Cybersecurity Strategy (2020) has been constructed in
the context of increasing geopolitical tension and within a dynamically
evolving technological environment. The onset of new technologies has
brought with it new opportunities but also perceived risks and threats in
cyberspace, to which the EU has sought to elicit a more comprehensive
approach underpinned by a move to become more “technologically sover-
eign”. We seek in this article to critically unpack what such claims to tech-
nological sovereignty mean for the EU in the cyber domain and what the
practical implications are of the EU taking ownership of and performing
sovereignty. More specifically, in seeking to conceptually unpack techno-
logical sovereignty in its internal and external manifestations, we show
how its articulation, legitimisation and operationalisation has implications
and consequences for the EU’s identity and action in the cyber domain.
[R] [See Abstr. 73.3761]
73.3758 BASEDOW, J. Robert — A theory of external judicial poli-
tics: the ECJ as cautious gatekeeper in external relations.
West European Politics 46(3), 2022 : 550-572.
Scholars have extensively studied how the European Court of Justice
(ECJ) interacts with Member State courts. The ECJ’s behaviour vis-à-vis
international tribunals remains, however, underexplored despite its sali-
ence for EU global actorness. The ECJ does at times condone and at other
times reject cooperation with international tribunals in that it either author-
ises or prohibits EU and Member State participation in relevant regimes.
What drives ECJ behaviour? While intuitive, European law fails to fully ac-
count for it. This study draws on models of bounded discretion to explain
ECJ behaviour in external judicial politics. It argues that two factors —
namely jurisdictional overlap between the European legal order and inter-
national tribunals as well as the centrality of these tribunals in global gov-
ernance — decisively influence the preferences of the ECJ, Member
States, the European Commission and Parliament and thus delimit the
range of politically viable rulings and shape ECJ behaviour. [R]
73.3759 BAUER, Michael W. ; KASSIM, Hussein ; CONNOLLY, Sara
— The quiet transformation of the EU Commission cabinet
system. Journal of European Public Policy 30(2), 2023 : 354-
374.
Although cabinets in the European Commission have attracted consider-
able interest, scholarly attention has mainly focused on their composition
and influence. How the status of cabinets or the relations between them
have changed over time, and how cabinets have been affected by
changes to the wider institutional environment, has gone largely
unexamined. This article takes a step towards filling that gap. It argues
that, despite apparent stability in the functions that cabinets perform, the
cabinet system has undergone a quiet transformation. A new differentia-
tion has created hierarchical relations within the cabinet system, with im-
plications for policy coordination and output. [R, abr.]
73.3760 BECKER, Manuel ; GEHRING, Thomas — Explaining EU in-
tegration dynamics in the wake of COVID-19: a domain of
application approach. Journal of European Public Policy
30(2), 2023 : 334-353.
This article explores the heterogeneous and uneven EU response to the
COVID-19 pandemic across policy fields and examines how integration
theories can contribute to explaining the presence (or absence) of new
integration steps and their varying nature. To analyse European activities
in three policy fields, namely fiscal policy, centralised European vaccine
procurement, and border politics, we develop a ‘Domain of Application’ ap-
proach (DOA). Instead of testing integration theories against each other,
DOA allows bridging different theoretical traditions by making use of their
complementary explanatory power to derive better explanations of com-
plex empirical issues. We find that Liberal Intergovernmentalism and
Neofunctionalism offer complementary explanations for several empirical
puzzles, which together provide a more compelling picture of the effects of
the pandemic on European integration. In addition, DOA advances our un-
derstanding of the scopes of both theories. [R]
73.3761 BELLANOVA, Rocco ; CARRAPICO, Helena ; DUEZ, Denis —
Digital/sovereignty and European security integration. Eu-
ropean Security 31(3), 2022 : 337-355.
The notion of digital sovereignty, also often referred to as technologi-
cal sovereignty, has been gaining momentum in the EU’s political and pol-
icy discourses over recent years. Digital sovereignty has come to supple-
ment an already substantial engagement of the EU with the digital across
various security policy domains. The goal of this article and of the overall
Special Issue is to explore how the discourse and practices of digital sov-
ereignty redefine European security integration. Our core argument is that
digital sovereignty has both direct and indirect implications for European
security as the EU attempts to develop and control digital infrastructures
(sovereignty over the digital), as well as the use of digital tools for Euro-
pean security governance (sovereignty through the digital). It is thus es-
sential to further explore digital sovereignty both in terms of European pol-
icies and of a re-articulation of sovereign power and digital technologies –
what we suggest calling digital/sovereignty. [R] [Introduction to a thematic
issue. See Abstr. 73.3757, 3762, 3766, 3782, 3798, 3853, 3859]
73.3762 BELLANOVA, Rocco ; GLOUFTSIOS, Georgios — Format-
ting Europea n security integration through database in-
teroperability. European Security 31(3), 2022 : 454-474.
In this article, we explore the security politics of EU database interopera-
bility, inquiring how knowledge infrastructures underpin European security
integration. Sitting at the intersection of Science and Technology Studies
(STS) and critical approaches to European security, we unpack the co-
constitutive relation between database anxieties and interoperability
mechanisms. By database anxieties, we refer to what European institu-
tions identify as the main epistemic and operational concerns that emerge
from the current use of databases by security authorities across Europe.
These anxieties are expected to be resolved by mechanisms that foster
interoperability. We argue that the relation between database anxieties
and interoperability mechanisms shapes the novel conditions of possibility
for European security integration in a datafied world. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
73.3761]
73.3763 BERTHET, Valentine — Norm under fire: support for and
opposition to the European Union’s ratification of the Is-
tanbul Convention in the European Parliament. Interna-
tional Feminist Journal of Politics 24(5), 2022 : 675-698.
The Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against
women and domestic violence is contested across Europe by a strong anti-
gender rhetoric, posing a direct threat to gender equality progress. To-
gether with opposition to gender equality, attacks on the Convention have
the effect of delegitimizing the norm that it embodies — namely, ending
gender violence. Opposition is also visible in the European Parliament and
shapes the discourse concerning possible ratification by the EU. Initially
perceived by supporters in the EP as a milestone for the advancement of
women’s rights and gender equality, the Convention soon became a norm
“under fire” as the target of vehement anti-gender contestations. This arti-
cle analyzes the discursive politics of contestation between norm promot-
ers and norm “antipreneurs” regarding the EU’s ratification of the Conven-
tion. [R, abr.]
73.3764 BRØGGER, Tine Elisabeth — Beyond the “lowest common
denominator”? Mutually binding commitments in Euro-
pean security and defence cooperation: the case of the
International relations
438
Nordic States. European Security 32(1), 2023 : 42-61.
Literature on European security and defence cooperation usually asserts
that differences in national security interests and security cultures prevent
agreement beyond the “lowest common denominator”. I propose that it is
possible for states to agree on mutually binding commitments also in this
policy field. Using Nordic security and defence cooperation as a case
study, I examine what characterises their mutual commitments and how
we might account for them. The article adds to the literature on European
security and defence cooperation by suggesting that binding commitments
in security and defence would not have come about in the Nordic context
without a sense of “Nordic togetherness”. This conclusion is important be-
cause it demonstrates that a shared sense of identity and norms is signif-
icant for understanding how security and defence cooperation between
states is possible. [R]
73.3765 BRUNAZZO, Marco — The politics of EU differentiated in-
tegration: between crises and dilemmas. International
Spectator 57(1), 2022 : 18-34.
The debate about differentiated integration (DI) from the beginning of the
EU integration process to the 2017 White Paper on the Future of Europe
can be divided into three different periods, according to the main dilemmas
that policy-makers tried to address respectively: (1) a political dilemma
about the final ’destination‘ of the EU integration project between the
1950s and the 1980s; (2) a legal dilemma about the mechanism to adopt
to promote DI in the 1980s and the 1990s; and (3) an institutional dilemma
about the growing complexity of EU institutions, begun in the 2000s and
encapsulated in the Lisbon Treaty. Each period of debate coincided with
a specific type of crisis — respectively, a crisis of design, a crisis of (fore-
seen) enlargement and a crisis of economic adaptation. Based on past
and recent history, one can conclude that the debates about DI will be-
come a permanent feature of EU politics. [R] [See Abstr. 73.3867]
73.3766 CALDERARO, Andrea ; BLUMFELDE, Stella — Artificial in-
telligence and EU security: the false promise of digital
sovereignty. European Security 31(3), 2022 : 415-434.
EU Digital Sovereignty has emerged as a priority for the EU Cyber Agenda
to build free and safe, yet resilient cyberspace. In a traditional regulatory
fashion, the EU has therefore sought to gain more control over third coun-
try-based digital intermediaries through legislative solutions regulating its
internal market. Although potentially effective in shielding EU citizens from
data exploitation by internet giants, this protectionist strategy tells us little
about the EU’s ability to develop Digital Sovereignty, beyond its capacity
to react to the external tech industry. Given the growing hybridisation of
warfare, building on the increasing integration of artificial intelligence (AI)
in the security domain, leadership in advancing AI-related technology has
a significant impact on countries’ defence capacity. [R, abr.] [See Abstr.
73.3761]
73.3767 CAMMETT, Melani ; ŞAŞMAZ, Aytuğ — The IO effect: inter-
national actors and service delivery in refugee crises. In-
ternational Studies Quarterly 66(4), Dec. 2022 : 066.
How do international organizations (IOs) affect access to social services
for refugees and host country nationals during humanitarian crises? We
explore the quality of care received by Syrian refugees and Lebanese na-
tionals in Lebanese health facilities using data from original surveys in a
nationally representative sample of health centers. Given its importance
as a site of interactions with host country nationals, health is a key arena
for studying local behavior toward refugees. Much research on refugees
and intergroup relations suggests that Syrians would receive inferior ser-
vices, yet other approaches would predict equitable treatment, whether
due to intrinsic or extrinsic motivations. We find no difference in the quality
of care for Syrians and Lebanese and argue that the comparatively equi-
table treatment of refugees stems from incentives from IOs at both the
organizational and individual levels. [R, abr.]
73.3768 CANDEL, Jeroen J. L. ; PRINCEN, Sebastiaan ; BIESBROEK,
Robbert — Patterns of coordination in the European Com-
mission: an analysis of interservice consultations around
climate change adaptation policy (2007-2018). Journal of
European Public Policy 30(1), 2023 : 104-127.
Organising effective policy coordination has become a key principle of EU
policymaking in recent decades. Within the European Commission, inter-
service consultations (ISCs) play an important role to coordinate between
the different directorate-generals. In spite of this importance, ISCs have
so far not been analysed in a systematic way. This paper addresses this
gap by systematically analysing the numbers, types and content of com-
ments made in ISCs around climate change adaptation. Our analysis
shows that ISCs were primarily used to provide substantive com ments,
related to problem analyses, objectives or instruments, as well as to
strengthen or weaken connections with policy efforts in adjacent domains.
Institutional comm ents, related to mandates or resources, proved rare.
Moreover, we find that the types of comments given in ISCs are mediated
by institutional factors that shape the temporal dynamics of policy pro-
cesses. [R, abr.]
73.3769 CARDWELL, Paul James ; MORET, Erica — The EU, sanc-
tions and regional leadership. European Security 32(1),
2023 : 1-21.
Sanctions have become the “go to” mechanism for addressing foreign and
security challenges in the international arena. The EU’s willingness to im-
pose autonomous (or unilateral) restrictive measures on third countries,
and in particular on Russia, has come to the fore at a time when the uptake
of new sanctions through the UN framework has stalled. This trend ap-
pears to reflect a growing ability to forge consensus among the EU's Mem-
ber States and use its economic power to support its foreign policy goals.
This article considers the extent to which the EU has succeeded in forging
a leadership role in sanctions for itself among non-EU states. It examines
the alignment or adoption by non-Member States with its sanctions re-
gimes and finds that the EU has a demonstrable claim to regional, if not
yet global, leadership. [R]
73.3770 CARNAZZA, Giovanni, et al. — From potential GDP to struc-
tural balance: a theoretical reassessment and new evi-
dence for Italy. Review of Political Economy 35(2), 2023 :
510-540.
Since the Maastricht Treaty, increasingly complex fiscal rules have been
progressively introduced aimed at closely regulating and deeply affecting
the budgetary policies of all signatory countries. One of the main reforms,
enacted since 2005, has been to interpret national budget balances in
structural terms, forcing each member state to comply with a Medium-
Term Objective (MTO) based on the general principle of a zero-structural
budget balance. Starting from the standard European Commission meth-
odology for calculating the structural budget, our paper shows that, by re-
placing the estimate of the potential output based on the NAWRU with a
different notion and measure of potential output, the results in terms of
fiscal policy space are significantly different. This outcome points out the
distinct possibility that the actual fiscal policies of the member states of the
EU may be driven and constrained by a measure that seriously limits their
flexibility by several percentage points. [R, abr.]
73.3771 CHEN Xuechen ; YANG Yifan — Different shades of norms:
comparing the approaches of the EU and ASEAN to cyber
governance. International Spectator 57(3), 2022 : 48-65.
In order to better capture the dynamics of global cyber governance, it is
important to go beyond the established West vs. non-West dichotomy in
the scholarly literature and thus develop a more nuanced understanding of
the variations of cyber governance norms and approaches within and be-
yond the traditional Western camp, as well as to take into account the role
of regional organisations in reshaping the normative framework of cyber
governance. Indeed, the European Union is emerging as a new norm en-
trepreneur and autonomous regional actor in cyber governance by proac-
tively projecting its regulatory and normative power in the digital sphere. In
contrast, the development of ASEAN’s cyber governance norms is a pro-
cess of norm subsidiarity based on ASEAN’s unique diplomatic culture and
normative structure characterised by the ASEAN Way and the principle of
ASEAN centrality. [R] [See Abstr. 73.4126]
73.3772 CHIRU, Mihail — Electoral incentives for territorial repre-
sentation in the European Parliament. Journal of European
Integration 44(2), 2022 : 277-298.
While many citizens are indifferent about the EU, most MEPs are invisible
in national politics and European Parliament elections are not fought based
on parliamentary activity records, some legislators still pursue territorial in-
terests or foster constituency linkages. What explains such behavior?
Drawing on written questions data from the 6th and the 7th terms of the
European Parliament (EP) this article shows that despite the virtual ab-
sence of an electoral connection in EP elections, electoral system features,
and electoral marginality influence the MEPs’ engagement in geographical
representation. Electorally marginal MEPs ask more questions on regional
and national topics as do MEPs elected from STV systems. There is no
evidence for a differential effect of district magnitude depending on ballot
structure. [R]
73.3773 CINI, Michelle ; CZULNO, Patryk — Digital single market and
the EU competition regime: an explanation of policy
change. Journal of European Integration 44(1), 2022 : 41-57.
Although the EU competition regime is well-established and highly effec-
tive, EU policy actors may still need to rethink their tried and tested ap-
proach to competition regulation. This is what happened in the context of
the European Commission’s planned regulation of online platforms, em-
bodied (in part) within the Digital Markets Act. This article reviews the in-
terplay of the EU’s competition regime with its relatively new Digital Single
Market strategy to ask how a traditional ex-post approach to competition
regulation came to be supplemented by a (proposed) ex-ante regulatory
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