VI: National and Area Studies/Études Nationales et Régionales
| Published date | 01 December 2016 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451606600606 |
| Date | 01 December 2016 |
| Subject Matter | Abstracts |
VI
NATIONAL AND AREA STUDIES
ÉTUDES NATIONALES ET RÉGIONALES
66.7450
ABBOTT, Lucy M. — The conceptual public sphere and its
devolution, and have added to an insistent mood that the English Ques-
problems: Habermas, political action and the Arab
tion must be addressed, even if there is no consensus about how it
states. Journal of International Political Theory 12(3), Oct.
should be addressed. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 66.7501]
2016 : 365-379.
This article examines how J. Habermas’s account of the transformation
66.7455
BADAR, Mohamed Elewa — The road to genocide: the
of the public sphere is used in the study of political change in the Arab
propaganda machine of the self-declared Islamic State
states of the Middle East. The study demonstrates that while Habermas’s
(IS). International Criminal Law Review 16(3), 2016 : 361-
motif may provide several constructive pathways forward for the study of
411.
transformation in this regional context, its numerous shortcomings leave
it susceptible to conceptual overstretch. The article first shows how the
The Islamic State (IS) uses law, terror and propaganda as “techniques of
concept has been applied. [It then] engages critically with the prominent
governance” to secure themselves in power, prepare and wage war, and
account of the Arab public sphere by reflecting on (1) its methodological
foster the idea of an Islamic state. IS have successfully used media
assumptions, (2) its empirical claims and (3) its own political role. The
systematically for the dissemination of lethal ideas and for popular
third section explores the shortcomings of Habermas’s account and how
mobilization on a grand scale in order to materialize these ideas. When
these present difficulties when making empirical claims about political
such propaganda is laced with the dolus specialis of the crime of geno-
action and transformation in the Arab states of the Middle East. [R, abr.]
cide, the severity of the mass action it brings about can be disastrous.
This article analyzes the hate propaganda used in the online publications
of IS. Evidence then [shows] that their hate propaganda amounts to
66.7451
ABDULRAZAQ, Tallha ; STANSFIELD, Gareth — The day
direct and public incitement of others to commit genocide and the propa-
after: what to expect in post-Islamic State Mosul. RUSI
gandists could, thus, be prosecuted for this crime at national or interna-
Journal 161(3), June-July 2016 : 14-21.
tional courts. [R, abr.]
Over recent months, the Islamic State (IS) in Syria and Iraq has lost
territory to the Syrian army, opposition forces in Syria, the reorganized
66.7456
BAKER, Andy ; SCARRITT, James R. ; MOZAFFAR, Sha-
Iraqi Security Forces and the Hashed Al-Sha’bi (Popular Mobilization
heen — Ethnopolitical demography and democracy in
Forces — PMF), as well as to Kurdish Peshmerga forces in Iraq. These
sub-Saharan Africa. Democratization 23(5), Aug. 2016 :
losses have led to heightened speculation that an assault on the IS
838-861.
stronghold of Mosul may happen sooner rather than later. However, with
such speculation comes the fear of “the day after”, and what could be
We argue that African countries that have demographic patterns where
expected to happen in Mosul — a traditional focal point of Arab and Iraqi
the largest ethnopolitical group is at least a near-majority and is simulta-
nationalists — and a city that was the center of Iraq’s military establish-
neously divided into nested subgroups produce Africa's most democratic
ment throughout the 20th c. [The authors] investigate this question,
multiethnic societies. This large-divided-group pattern, which has gone
highlighting the potential problems that may emerge following IS’s depar-
largely unnoticed by previous scholars, facilitates transitions to democra-
ture from the city. [R]
cy from authoritarian rule. The large group's size foments the broad-
based multiethnic social agitation needed to pose a genuine threat to a
ruling autocrat, while its internal divisions reassure minorities that they
66.7452
ABOUYOUB, Younès — Islam et politique dans la Libye
wil not suffer permanent exclusion via ethnic dominance under an
contemporaine (Islam and politics in contemporary Lib-
eventual democracy. We support our claim with cross-national quantita-
ya). Monde arabe Maghreb-Machrek 224-225, 2016 : 61-72.
tive evidence on ethnic fragmentation and regime type. [R]
This article analyzes the relation between the diverse contending powers
within Libya and religion since the 19th c., in particular since the 2011
66.7457
BAKKER, Edwin ; BONT, Roel de — Belgian and Dutch
uprising. Since Libya has always been one of the most conservative
Jihadist foreign fighters (2012-2015): characteristics, mo-
countries in North Africa, the current Libyan conflict should not be sub-
tivations, and roles in the war in Syria and Iraq. Small
sumed into a mere confrontation between "liberal" and "Islamist" move-
Wars and Insurgencies 27(5), Oct. 2016 : 837-857.
ments. In fact, the religious issue is not the cause of disagreement within
the Libyan elite but rather a struggle for power. [R]
In recent years, Belgium and the Netherlands have been confronted with
relatively many citizens or residents who have traveled to Syria and Iraq
to join and fight with jihadist groups — 388 Belgian and 220 Dutch as
66.7453
ALCÁNTARA, Manuel — América Latina, a vueltas con la
estimated by the respective authorities. This article provides an overview
identidad nacional (Latin America, straggling with na-
of the phenomenon of jihadist foreign fighters in the Low Countries,
tional identity). Política exterior 171, May-June 2016 : 80-
analyzing their characteristics, motivations, and roles in the war in Syria
92.
and Iraq. It compares the Belgian and Dutch cases, focusing on key
Latin-American countries lack leaders who really combine indigeneity
aspects, such as age, sex, and geographical and socioeconomic back-
ground. [R] [See Abstr. 66.6497]
and globalization because of their stagnation in a populist, revolutionary
and anti-neoliberal past that characterizes them since their independ-
ence processes. Since the turn of the mil ennium, there has been a
66.7458
BARBULLUSHI, Odeta — The limits and ambiguities of
heterogeneous rise of indigenous representation and socialist tendencies
the Albanian “national question” in post-communism po-
in several Latin-American countries, but these societies cannot escape
litical parties, Albanian nationalism, and external actors.
the necessity of international capital flows and the opening of new mar-
East European Politics and Societies and Cultures 30(3),
kets. Neither does a vast majority of citizens wish to renounce modernity.
Aug. 2016 : 551-570.
Folkloric references wil only contribute to divide rural and urban popula-
tions and to create an illusion of leadership.]
This article interrogates the mobilization of the Albanian national ques-
tion in Albania in 2012. The two interrelated questions are why the
nationalist card is not used consistently and why it failed to trigger a
66.7454
AUGHEY, Arthur — "Never reflective, because so obvi-
policy debate, or lead to policy changes. The article argues that, more
ously a fact": institutions and national identity in English
than a policy alternative, “national unification” is a discursive practice
political thought [UK]. Political Studies Review 14(3), Aug.
performing two functions: Externally, it signals sovereignty and subjectivi-
2016 : 349-358.
ty to the international community in Albania, primarily the EU and the US,
There is a compelling argument to bring current debates about English-
and as such it is used for political leverage, particularly at critical mo-
ments. Internal y, it aims at constructing national cohesion, while drawing
ness into fruitful dialogue with historical perspectives because this may
identity lines between the main political parties. This is particularly the
yield more nuanced understandings of the relationship between political
argument and enduring expressions of Englishness. This article consid-
case in moments of political instability, juncture or pressure, as before
ers first a tradition of institutional thinking and how that thinking helped to
elections. [R, abr.]
define English national self-understanding. The article explores the
erosion of that national self-understanding in recent years through a
number of "ironies of inversion", in which the previous virtues of English
66.7459
BELL, Andrew M. — Military culture and restraint toward
institutionalism can appear as present vices. These ironies of inversion
civilians in war: examining the Ugandan civil wars. Secu-
have become factors of popular political grievance, especially since
rity Studies 25(3), July-Sept. 2016 : 488-518.
781
National and area studies
The National Resistance Army (NRA) of Uganda demonstrated notable
66.7465
CASSANI, Andrea ; LUPPI, Francesca ; NATALIZIA, Gabrie-
restraint toward civilians during its wars in northern Uganda in the 1980s,
le — Pathways of democratisation to human develop-
restraint that is puzzling given the over-determined predictions for mass
ment in post-communist countries. European Journal of
atrocity under rationalist, identity, and regime-type theories. This review
Political Research 55(3), Aug. 2016 : 512-530.
of the NRA case, based on field interviews with Ugandan military...
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