VI National and Area Studies Études Nationales et Régionales
| Date | 01 October 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/002083451806800506 |
| Published date | 01 October 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Abstract |
686
VI
NATIONAL AND AREA STUDIES
ÉTUDES NATIONALES ET RÉGIONALES
68.6683 ABDULLAH, Sarwar ; GRAY, Tim ; CLOUGH, Emily —
Clientelism: factionalism in the allocation of public re-
sources in Iraq after 2003. Middle Eastern Studies 54(4),
July 2018 : 665-682.
This article examines clientelism in Iraq as a case study of one form of
corruption. Iraq is an unusual case of corruption, because a key feature
of Iraq's corrupt environment is an institutionalized factional political
system based on sectarian quotas. The article explores the many links
between clientelism and political factionalism, discussing whether clien-
telism arose because of factionalism, or whether factionalism merely
determines the ways that clientelism currently operates in Iraq. Using
fieldwork d ata, the findings show there are two distinct levels of clien-
telism in Iraq: the individual level and the organizational level. First,
clientelism at the individual level. Second, clientelism at the organiza-
tional level. [R, abr.]
68.6684 AGBIBOA, Daniel E. — Informal urban governance and
predatory politics in Africa: the role of motor-park touts
in Lagos. African Affairs 466, Jan. 2018 : 62-82.
This article draws on in-depth fieldwork in Lagos, Nigeria, to explain the
changing role of motor-park touts (agberos) in urban transport. Situating
the emergence of agberos within the insecurity and radical uncertainty
caused by the structural adjustment programme of the 1980s, this article
explains the transformation of agberos in the light of their tacit incorpora-
tion into the National Union of Road Transport Workers, which politicized
and altered their role in urban transport. It further argues that current
efforts to rid motor-parks of agberos is inspired by the post-1999 urban
renewal project of the Lagos State Government to transform Lagos into a
"world class" megacity. [R, abr.]
68.6685 AL, Serhun ; BYRD, Douglas — When do states
(de)securitise minority identities? Conflict and change in
Turkey and Northern Ireland. Journal of International Rela-
tions and Development 21(3), July 2018 : 608-634.
By a comparative case analysis of the Northern Ireland conflict and the
Kurdish conflict in Turkey, this article aims to make a contribution to the
(de)securitization literature. It raises two interrelated questions. First,
under what conditions are states more likely to desecuritize minority
identities? Second, what does desecuritization entail? The conventional
wisdom about desecuritization, especially among the Copenhagen
School scholars, is that it is the shift from emergency politics to normal
politics within which the security speech act becomes absent. In turn,
desecuritization is assumed to be an agency-driven process. This article
underlines some of the problems and insufficiencies of this approach and
pushes forward an interpretation based on structure-driven processes
along with agency-driven acts in the desecuritization of minority identi-
ties. [R, abr.]
68.6686 ALBERTSEN, Daniel ; SOYSA, Indra de — Oil, Islam, and
the Middle East: an empirical analysis of the repression
of religion, 1980-2013. Politics and Religion 11(2), June
2018 : 249-280.
There is a lively debate on the relative impacts of Islam, oil wealth, and
Middle Eastern institutional legacies regarding democratization and the
spread of liberal values. We examine this issue using religious repres-
sion. We argue that oil-wealthy rulers use religious monopoly to control
dissent. Our results show that oil wealth increases religious repression
above the effects of Muslim dominance and a host of sundry controls.
The Middle East and North Africa region seems to matter more than
Islam. Interestingly, the conditional effect of oil and the Middle East and
North Africa region is positive on religious freedom. The data suggest
that several Gulf monarchies have more religious freedoms than other
Muslim dominant states, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, or even Israel
and Jordan. The worst religious repression is among oil producers in
Central Asia. [R, abr.]
68.6687 ALDRICH, Richard J. ; RICHTEROVA, Daniela — Ambient
accountability: intelligence services in Europe and the
decline of state secrecy. West European Politics 41(4),
2018 : 1003-1024.
In the 1990s, judgments in the European Court of Human Rights con-
cerning state surveillance forced many West European countries to
introduce new parliamentary bodies and formal systems for accountabil-
ity. Promising both greater transparency and lawful intelligence, these
frameworks were then energetically rolled out to Central and Eastern
Europe. Although officials boasted about their effectiveness, these formal
accountability mechanisms have failed to identify serious abuses over
the last decade. Moreover, the security regime in much of Central
Europe still remains largely unreconstructed. The article argues that a
robust culture of accountability cannot be conjured into existence merely
by introducing new laws and regulations, or indeed by the increasing tide
of media revelations about intelligence. However, it suggests that we are
now seeing the rise of a more complex pattern of "ambient accountabil-
ity" which is at last challenging the secret state across Europe. [R] [See
Abstr. 68.6806]
68.6688 ANCIANO, Fiona — Decolonising clientelism: "re-
centring" analyses of local state-society relations in
South Africa. Politikon (South African Journal of Political
Studies) 45(1), Apr. 2018 : 94-111.
Concepts such as democracy and accountability rely heavily for their
normative framing on scholarship originating in Europe and America.
While these theories of democracy are useful for setting up frameworks
with which to engage, it is important to assess the actually existing
practices of everyday state-society engagement in informal locations and
economies of the global south. Practices of everyday democracy may
differ in contexts such as South Africa’s and it is important to assess
what this tells us about reconceptualizing democratic theory in our
region. While not uncritical of the power imbalances inherent in clien-
telism, this article attempts to provide a clear conceptual definition of
clientelism and then investigates how this practice may fulfill democratic
tasks such as increasing participation and accountability at the local level
of governance. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.6241]
68.6689 ASHCROFT, Richard T. ; BEVIR, Mark — Liberal democ-
racy, nationalism and culture: multiculturalism and Scot-
tish independence. Critical Review of International Social
and Political Philosophy 21(1), Jan. 2018 : 65-86.
Proponents of Scottish independence often foreground the claim that
Scotland forms a democratically relevant and underrepresented commu-
nity that would function better as an independent state. This argument
casts the nation in cultural rather than ethnic or purely political terms,
and thus implicitly draws on forms of both liberal nationalist and multicul-
tural political theory. We argue that any plausible articulation of such a
"cultural nationalism" ultimately reduces to a series of interrelated claims
about the nature and effects of culture, identity and meaning. We provide
a post-foundational account of culture and identity as fluid, contested,
and overlapping, which we argue renders the cultural nationalist position
unsustainable. We argue Britain is really constituted by multiple tiers of
political identities, communities, and democratic structures, which sug-
gests traction for post-nationalisms such as political liberalism and
cosmopolitanism. [R, abr.] [Part of a special issue on "Multiculturalism in
contemporary Britain: policy, law and theory", edited by the authors. See
also Abstr. 68.6711]
68.6690 BACON, Edwin — Reflexive and reasoned religious na-
tionalism: the exploratory cas e of Russia. Politics and Re-
ligion 11(2), June 2018 : 396-420.
Nationalism theory has long acknowledged that in its relation to national-
ism, “religion” can refer both to a reflexive identity attached to a people
group, and to a reasoned value-based position articulated by an elite.
Even this bifurcation remains insufficiently precise. Religio-nationalisms
reasoned ex patria — that is, beginning w ith the nationalist and proceed-
ing from there to incorporate religion — tend toward values of exclusivity
and animosity toward “the other”. They have been charged with hijacking
religion as an identity while being at odds with those who actively prac-
tice that religion or lead its practicing community. The exploratory case of
the relationship between Russian Orthodoxy and Russian nationalism
allows a comparison of ex patria religio-nationalism with its ex religio
counterpart. [R, abr.]
68.6691 BAKOS, Nada — Beyond kinetic operations: a road map
to success in Syria and Iraq. Orbis 62(3), 2018 : 473-486.
Kinetic operations — either overt, covert, or clandestine — should be
employed only with ample forethought as to what they are intended to
achieve and whether the costs are worth the benefits. Notwithstanding
their advantages and disadvantages, ISIS will not be defeated through
Études nationales et régionales
687
kinetic operations alone. When linking tactical operations to the strategic
goal of degrading a terrorist threat, post-conflict stabilization and rebuild-
ing are often required to cement tactical victories into a desired and
sustainable end state. Terrorism, including ISIS, is not an existential
threat to the US and requires a multi-layer approach that is not linear and
should encompass locally derived goals. The US government should
envision kinetic operations as only one part of a broader strategy to
stabilize Iraq and Syria after the collapse of ISIS, or it will continue to find
itself in a perpetual war. [R, abr.] [See Abstr. 68.6193]
68.6692 BALDINETTI, Anna — Languages in Libya: building
blocks of national identity and soft power tools. Journal
of North African Studies 23(3), June 2018 : 418-439.
Tracing the general lines of language policies in Libya since independ-
ence, this article discusses how Arabic has been instrumental in forging
a national identity, and examines its role as a soft power tool used by
Qadhafi’s regime through the World Islamic Call Society (WICS), estab-
lished in 1972, which prioritized the teaching of the Arabic language. The
article seeks to understand whether the 2011 revolution — at least until
2013, before the beginning of the ongoing internal conflict — has chal-
lenged the role of Arabic as the only constituent language of national
identity. [R] [See Abstr. 68.6697]
68.6693 BALIQI, Bekim — Contested war remembrance and eth-
nopolitical identities in Kosovo. Nationalities Papers 46(3),
May 2018 : 471-483.
This paper examines the relationship between political power and war
remembrance by considering the way war remembrance occurs in a
divided society. The purpose of this paper is to explore memory of the
violent past and its uses as an ongoing arena of disputes between
former adversaries and within ethnopolitical groups pushing their distinct
versions of memory. Moreover, this paper examines three key aspects of
the politics of remembrance: prevalent narratives, arenas of commemo-
ration, and agencies of war remembrance, based on the case study of
Kosovo. The paper concludes that through appropriate civic education,
critical inquiry of commemoration practices, and especially through
evidence-based adaptation of the history curriculum, there is a chance to
promote a culture of shared memory and to establish inclusive politics of
remembrance in Kosovo, as crucial components of reconciliation and
peace-building. [R, abr.]
68.6694 BASSEL, Leah ; MONFORTE, Pierre ; KHAN, Kamran —
Making political citizens? Migrants’ narratives of natu-
ralization in the United Kingdom. Citizenship Studies 22(3),
May 2018 : 225-242.
Citizenship tests are arguably intended as moments of hailing, or inter-
pellation, through which norms are internalized and citizen-subjects
produced. We analyse the multiple political subjects revealed through
migrants’ narratives of the citizenship test process, drawing on 158
interviews with migrants in Leicester and London who are at different
stages in the UK citizenship test process. In dialogue with three counter-
figures in the critical naturalization literature — the “neoliberal citizen”;
the “anxious citizen”; and the “heroic citizen” — we propose the figure of
the “citizen-negotiator”, a socially situated actor who attempts to assert
control over their life as they navigate the test process and state power.
Through the focus on negotiation, we see migrants navigating a process
of differentiation founded on pre-existing inequalities rather than a jour-
ney toward transformation. [R]
68.6695 BAUTISTA, Lowell — The South China Sea Arbitral
Award: evolving post arbitration strategies, implications
and challenges. Asian Politics and Policy 10(2), Apr. 2018 :
178-189.
On 12 July 2016, the Arbitral Tribunal formed under Annex VII of the
issued its award on the case brought by the Philippines against China
over maritime claims in the South China Sea. The landmark victory
categorically declared that China's nine dash line claim is incompatible
with the UNCLOS. However, despite the final and binding nature of the
arbitral ruling, China continues to reject the ruling. The shift in Philippine
foreign policy under the Duterte administration has led to setting aside
the ruling in order to restore amicable diplomatic and economic relations
with China. This Special Issue explores and revisits the South China Sea
arbitral award from a multi faceted perspective, focusing on challenges,
implications, and post arbitration strategies. [R, abr.] [Introduction to a
thematic issue on "South China Sea Arbitral Award". See Abstr. 68.6604,
6625, 6642, 6648, 6740, 6807, 6824]
68.6696 BERTI, Benedetta — Stability in Syria: what would it take
to make it happen? Orbis 62(3), 2018 : 422-437.
The Syrian Civil War has taken a devastating toll on the country's civilian
infrastructure and population. Tackling the legacy of the conflict and
restoring a measure of stability will constitute a monumental and genera-
tional challenge. The article addresses the “day after” in Syria by map-
ping out the main issues that a future post-conflict recovery, reconstruc-
tion, and reconciliation process would need to address in order to attain
some level of stability and to be sustainable. It then describes and
analyzes [the] complex challenge of a future post-war transition: the
need to reign in the proliferation of non-state armed groups and to
ensure a process of disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration
(DDR) of former combatants, including those hailing from the jihadi
camp. Finally, it addresses the role that local actors can play in begin-
ning to build stability. [R] [See Abstr. 68.6193]
68.6697 BOUTIERI, Charis — On democratic glossaries: "soft
power" and hard markets in post-revolutionary Tunisia.
Journal of North African Studies 23(3), June 2018 : 378-398.
Inside Tunisian civic training programs funded by foreign donors in the
post-revolutionary period, democratic training collapses into neoliberal
frames of being and doing. This paper traces the "soft power" that im-
bues the glossaries of democratization with a specifically economistic
logic. It argues that this economistic logic influences the shaping of an
emerging civic public in Tunisia along international objectives despite the
translation of the civic training lexicon into standard Arabic or the Tuni-
sian dialect and the multilingual code-switching of the training sessions.
Engendering this young civic public as a counter-public to earlier articula-
tions of civic awareness and practice — that are now construed as
unruly, violent, and unproductive — the internationally approved glossa-
ries of democratic deliberation and civic action recalibrate democracy as
predominantly the space for free competition, production, and consump-
tion. [R] [First article of a special issue on "Soft power in the Maghrib
after the Arab uprisings", edited and introduced by Anna BALDINETTI
and the author, "National identities after 2011: interrogating the politics of
culture and relations of soft power in the Maghrib", pp. 373-377. See also
Abstr. 68.6566, 6592, 6622, 6692]
68.6698 BROBAKK, Jostein — A climate for change? Norwegian
farmers’ attitudes to climate change an d climate policy.
World Political Science 14(1), 2018 : 55-79.
The Norwegian government’s 2009 White Paper on climate policy for
agriculture is based on the point of view that the agricultural sector can
and should contribute to Norway fulfilling its climate-policy commitments.
This requires changes in farm operations and production methods,
making the farmer an important agent when it comes to the implementa-
tion of climate change mitigation measures. I study Norwegian farmers’
climate-change perceptions and priorities, and examine what it would
take for them to consider implementing mitigation measures on their own
farms. The analysis is based on a survey focusing on climate change
from a representative sample of Norwegian farmers in 2011, the only
survey of its kind conducted on this group so far. [R, abr.]
68.6699 BÜNTE, Marco ; THOMPSON, Mark R. — Perilous presi-
dentialism in Southeast Asia? Contemporary Politics 24(3),
2018 : 251-265.
This special issue examines four cases of presidentialism in Southeast
Asia. Both the “first” wave of the presidentialism literature, which focuses
on “pure” cases of presidentialism, and the “second” wave, which con-
centrates on a complex mixture of presidentialism and other institutions,
are relevant to Southeast Asia. Among “pure” presidential systems, the
Philippines appears to provide support to “the perils of presidentialism”
thesis given the collapse of democracy there several decades ago and
periodic instability since then. But Indonesia, despite ostensibly having
the additional institutional perils of multipartism, has proved stable.
Because presidentialism has been associated both with elite accommo-
dation and stability as well as political conflict and instability, the South-
east Asia cases point instead to the relative lack of explanatory power of
this institutional arrange ment in understanding political stability. [R, abr.]
[Introduction to a special issue on “Presidentialism in Southeast Asia”,
edited by the authors. See also Abstr. 68.6040, 6055, 6093, 6094, 6097]
68.6700 CAPELLO, Roberta — Cohesion policies and the creation
of a European identity: the role of territorial identity.
Journal of Common Market Studies 56(3), Apr. 2018 : 489-
503.
Among the factors highlighted by the literature as crucial for the success
of cohesion policies in generating satisfaction among citizens, and
therefore in acting positively on the constitution of an European identity,
this paper emphasizes a particular one, territorial identity. Elaborating on
the definition of territorial identity as a local condition in which private
interests coincide with public ones, the paper claims that territorial
identity plays an important role in a European identity building process.
In fact, by increasing the probability that local public expenditures match
private interests, territorial identity generates a favourable context where
the critical factors that hamper the successful programming, design and
implementation of cohesion policies can be overcome. [R]
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