What does robbery really cost? An exploratory study into calculating costs and ‘hidden costs’ of policing opioid-related robbery offences
| Author | Aaron Mark,Laura Huey,Andrew Whitford |
| DOI | 10.1177/1461355719852647 |
| Published date | 01 June 2019 |
| Date | 01 June 2019 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
International Journal of
Police Science & Management
What does robbery really cost?
2019, Vol. 21(2) 116–129
ª The Author(s) 2019
An exploratory study into calculating
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costs and ‘hidden costs’ of policing
DOI: 10.1177/1461355719852647
journals.sagepub.com/home/psm
opioid-related robbery offences
Aaron Mark
(Department of Sociology,) University of Western Ontario, Canada
Andrew Whitford
(Crime Analysis Unit,) London Police Service, Canada
Laura Huey
(Department of Sociology,) University of Western Ontario, Canada
Abstract
Recent attention on the opioid crisis has almost exclusively focused on this issue as a public health concern. Although we
do not dispute this approach, we recognize that the opioid crisis in Canada has also generated significant policing costs—
particularly in the form of robberies of pharmacies and other businesses. Much of this cost, we argue, remains unknown
and/or hidden from public discussion. In this study, we present a more accurate costing of investigating robbery cases, by
focusing on a series of opioid-related robberies committed by two individuals in London, Ontario. To calculate the costs,
we sought to identify some of the hidden factors not commonly accounted for. Our results indicate that the cost of
investigating a robbery case—from initial call to closing of the case—is comparable with previous estimates. However, as
opioid-related pharmacies occur as a series of events, total costs are not insignificant. The results of this study have
implications for resource allocation policies and highlight the need for a standard police costing metric and a more
nuanced understanding of opioid addiction as a policing issue.
Keywords
Policing, criminal offences, costs, robbery, opioids
Submitted 03 Feb 2019, accepted 23 Apr 2019
Officers were called to the drug store at 109-460 Springbank
Between 6 January and 9 April 2016 the London Police
Dr. around 3:20 pm for an attempted robbery.
Service responded to a string of seven robbery calls involv-
Police say a lone male approached the pharmacist, threat-
ing pharmacies within their jurisdiction. In each case, rob-
ened violence and demanded medication, but was not given
bers demanded that pharmacy staff provide them with
any and fled on foot (CTV London 2016a).
According to officers a man entered the Rexall Pharmacy at
Oxford and Waterloo Streets and demanded narcotics.
Corresponding author:
Laura Huey, Department of Sociology, University of Western Ontario,
An undisclosed amount of narcotics was turned over to the
London, Ontario, Canada, N6A 5C2.
man who then fled on foot (CTV London 2016b).
Email: lhuey@uwo.ca
Mark et al.
117
narcotics. Two men were subsequently identified, arrested,
services, may employ different metrics for allocating costs,
charged and convicted.
which, in turn, produce varied results (Ellingwood, 2016).
Although the present study focuses on costs associated
As an example of the latter, Di Matteo (2014) explores
with the mini-crime wave described above, it is important
crime rates and costs by analyzing real per capita police
to keep in mind that opioid-related robberies have been on
expenditures, as well as police service strength1. Easton
the rise in Canada and the United States (Burke, 2017;
et al. (2014) estimate police costs by comparing expendi-
Coffey and Copenhagen, 2017; Fletcher, 2017; Heydari,
tures with the volume of crimes of which police are aware.
2017; Potkins, 2017), as have been thefts of opioids from
Somewhat problematically, reliance on official crime rates
pharmacies and hospitals (Howorun, 2017; Tromp, 2016).
means that both of these studies may unintentionally
Indeed, that same year, there were 19 pharmacy robberies
include operational costs not associated with crime (i.e.
in London in total, with eight occurring in December 2016
such as community engagement or crime prevention activ-
alone (Daniszewski, 2017). We point this out because
ities), as well as excluding operational costs of non-counted
media, policy and public discourse have tended to focus
crimes and forms of disorder2. Gabor (2015) recently
largely on opioid addiction as a public health issue, often
synthesized data from other published studies as a means
paying less attention to the crimes associated with the cur-
of measuring policing expenditures. As with other studies
rent crisis and the costs of those crimes for communities.
on costs, several issues pertaining to the methodology of
While we recognize that it is important to treat addiction as
measuring policing costs can be identified. First, cost
a health, and not as a criminal justice, issue, we are also
metrics differed across the studies used. For example, some
mindful of the fact that increases in opioid-related crimes
of the studies included by Gabor focus directly on criminal
are occurring at a time when public officials have been
justice system costs, whereas others include perceived costs
looking at the “economics of policing” in Canada (Public
incurred to victims and to society as a whole. Second, some
Safety Canada, 2013), “austerity policing” in the UK
researchers chose to break down victim costs into tangible
(Innes, 2010), and making police “more affordable” in the
costs (i.e. hospital bills) and intangible costs (i.e. pain and
United States (Gasco´n and Foglesong, 2010) as means of
suffering). In short, as Gabor notes, the lack of standardized
shrinking police budgets. Regardless of their bottom-line
costing metrics makes attempts at creating average costs
impact on policing budgets, the costs of opioid-related
incredibly difficult (see also Ellingwood, 2016).
crimes are, and will continue to be, absorbed by local
Such difficulties have not, however, stopped individuals
communities.
and groups from attempting to generate crime costs. One
In this study, we contribute to on-going discussion on
such attempt was made in 2010, when researchers at RAND
the “costs of the opioid crisis” by presenting a more accu-
developed a “cost of crime calculator.” This tool attempts
rate costing of investigating opioid-fueled robbery cases.
to measure the effects of altering the number of police
As noted, our focus is on a series of opioid-related rob-
offers on crime rates within a particular jurisdiction, which
beries committed by two individuals in 2016 in London,
is seen by some as informative for policy-makers who are
Ontario, Canada. To calculate the costs, we sought to iden-
conducting cost–benefit analyses (Ruddell and Jones,
tify some of the hidden factors not commonly accounted for
2014). When calculating policing costs, the program looks
and thus provide an opportunity for future researchers to
at the levels of crime reported, perceived societal costs of
advance methodology in this area. Our results indicate that
these offences, and police effectiveness in reducing crime
the cost of investigating a robbery case—from initial call to
(Ruddell and Jones, 2014). In this process, the societal costs
closing of the case—is comparable to previous estimates
are estimated using accounting-based methods (totaling
(Ellingwood, 2016). However, because opioid-related rob-
tangible and intangible costs) and contingent evaluation
beries of pharmacies occur as a series of events, total costs
methods (the willingness of society to pay more taxes to
are not insignificant. The results of this study have signif-
improve crime reduction programs) (Heaton 2010). In a
icant implications for resource allocation policies and high-
recent paper in which the authors applied the calculator
light the need for a standard police costing metric and a
to Canadian data, Ruddell and Jones (2014) found that
more nuanced understanding of opioid addiction as a poli-
although the calculator was intended to be used in the
cing issue.
United States, it may also be useful in the Canadian con-
text. They tested this idea using data from the Regina
Police Service in 2013 (Ruddell and Jones, 2014), obser-
What do we currently know?
ving that the addition of one police officer would produce a
Currently, there are no well-established methods for accu-
$290,215 (CAD) crime reduction benefit. However, the
rately estimating policing costs. This is perhaps not entirely
authors note that the US direct and indirect costs of crime
surprising given that personnel and other costs can differ
may differ from those in Canada, which will most likely
among agencies and that researchers, as well as police
lead to the calculator underestimating the value of
118
International Journal of Police Science & Management 21(2)
increasing officer numbers. Another issue worth noting is
of losing productive members of society), criminal justice
that Canadian data are constructed using accounting-based
system costs, and victim costs (both tangible and intangi-
methods rather than contingent evaluation, which ulti-
ble). Gabor (2015) estimated that the mean cost of a rob-
mately leads to lower costs estimates (Ruddell and Jones,
bery case in 2014 was $92,350.41 and that the minimum
2014).
and maximum costs were $4658.11 and $673,727.39. As
It is not uncommon for societal shifts to generate changes
we noted earlier, it is difficult to analyze the accuracy of
in policing and policing costs. Perhaps the most dramatic
these results due to the wide range of estimates, as well as
example of this is the deinstitutionalization movement in the
the unstandardized inclusion of criminal career and victim
1960s...
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