Why Temporary Labour Migration is Not a Satisfactory Alternative to Permanent Migration

AuthorPatti Tamara Lenard
Date01 April 2012
Published date01 April 2012
DOI10.3366/jipt.2012.0037
Subject MatterArticle
WHY TEMPORARY LABOUR MIGRATION IS NOT A
SATISFACTORY ALTERNATIVE TO PERMANENT
MIGRATION
PATTI TAMARA LENARD
Abstract: Temporary labour migration programs are often proposed as a way
to provide the benef‌its of migration in general, while mitigating the allegedly
problematic effects of permanent migration. Here I propose that the arguments
deployed in favour of temporary labour migration over permanent migration
are f‌lawed, normatively, and that empirically temporary labour migration
programs produce effects in receiving states that are even worse than those
(allegedly) produced by permanent migration. As a result, I shall argue that,
for reasons of consistency, advocates of restricting permanent migration should
support restricting temporary labour migration programs as well. I conclude not
by arguing that temporary labour migration programs should be abandoned,
but rather that we must focus more seriously on re-constructing temporary
labour migration programs that do not produce these dilemmas, as well as on
generating policies that alleviate the challenges they often pose in receiving
societies.
Keywords:Closed borders, exploitation, guest workers, open borders, temporary
labour migration
Temporary labour migration programs are often proposed as a way to
provide the benef‌its of migration in general, while mitigating the allegedly
problematic effects of permanent migration. Here I propose that the arguments
deployed in favour of temporary labour migration over permanent migration are
f‌lawed, normatively, and that empirically temporary labour migration programs
produce effects in receiving states that are even worse than those (allegedly)
produced by permanent migration. As a result, I shall argue that, for reasons
of consistency, advocates of restricting permanent migration should support
Journal of International Political Theory, 8(1–2) 2012, 172–183
DOI: 10.3366/jipt.2012.0037
© Edinburgh University Press 2012
www.eupjournals.com/jipt
172

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