World‐Regional Social Policy and Global Governance: New Research and Policy Agendas in Africa, Asia, Europe, and Latin America
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-5899.2011.00136_3.x |
| Published date | 01 October 2011 |
| Author | Thierry Soret |
| Date | 01 October 2011 |
Unfortunately, the Introduction receives very little
explicit attention in the bulk of the book. The substan-
tive chapters do implicitly sustain the constructivist argu-
ment about the maintenance of a common identity,
despite the stresses that might have split the South.
Divisions between smaller poorer countries and larger,
wealthier countries are acknowledged. However, the soli-
darity expressed in the creation of the concept of Least
Developed Countries (LDCs) and the support by all
developing countries for special measures for the LDCs,
is not mentioned. Equally, a profound division over cli-
mate change, between vulnerable countries and energy
producers, is not discussed. A comparison of these two
questions would have provided a test of constructivist
assumptions about group solidarity and the promotion
of norms. The need for better editorial integration is
illustrated by the attribution of the convening of the first
NAM summit to Tito and Nasser (pp. 49–50), contrasting
with repetition of the myth of ‘Nehru’s conspicuous
contribution to the creation and growth of [the] NAM’
(p. 142). In fact Nehru initially opposed the creation of a
non-aligned diplomatic group. Despite these criticisms,
the book does convey the strength and the significance
of the shared identity of the South.
The authors do not shirk from reproof of Southern
politicians. The paradox of a deep attachment to sov-
ereignty alongside calls for solidarity and for strength-
ening of the UN is highlighted. The hypocrisy of
arguing for human rights, while being unwilling to
criticise Mugabe, is labelled ‘one of the great stains on
the Southern record’ (p. 17). There is insufficient ques-
tioning of official government statements. For example,
is the call for Security Council reform genuine or an
attempt to delegitimise the actions of some P5 gov-
ernments? To assert that eliminating the veto would
narrow the scope for interventionist policies is com-
pletely illogical (p. 99), because the veto is used to
prevent intervention. Some materials would have bene-
fited from being set in a wider context. Notably, dis-
cussion of the NAM summit statements in February
2003 on the impending war in Iraq does not mention
the concurrent debates in the Security Council. The
solidarity of the NAM at their summit explains the
extraordinary failure of the US and UK governments to
obtain a resolution endorsing the war.
Peter Willetts
Peter Willetts is Emeritus Professor of Global Politics at
City University, London.
World-Regional Social Policy and Global Governance:
New Research and Policy Agendas in Africa, Asia,
Europe, and Latin America by Bob Deacon, Maria
Cristina Macovei, Luk Van Langehove and Nicola Yeates
(eds). New York: Routledge, 2010. 288 pp., £80.00
hardcover, 978 0415456593
While the ongoing debate on global economic gover-
nance is focusing on the relationship between informal
groupings such as the G20 and treaty-based institutions
in order to strengthen effectiveness, legitimacy and
coherence of policy making in the face of the economic
and financial crisis, this book on the role played by
regional integration, including in social policy, is timely.
It lays out powerful arguments for regional social poli-
cies in a context of globalization, presents an empirical
review of current social regional integration, and an ana-
lysis of the drivers for and obstacles to the further devel-
opment of regional social policies.
Clearly, this book makes the case for strengthened
regional social policy as a necessary element of effective
global social governance. In the view of the authors,
regional integration appears to be the best way to
secure socially responsible globalization, and this book
aims to come up with proposals for an alternative global
order based on world regions that would tackle transna-
tional social challenges. Several factors can back up this
argument. First, the regional level is becoming a level of
governance increasingly involved in social policy design
and implementation. When it comes to implementing
solidarity funds, to introducing social regulation in health
or labor areas, to advocating and enforcing fundamental
social rights or to negotiating trade agreements incorpo-
rating labor standards, the regional dimension appears
to be critical. Second, facing the need to respond to
people’s concerns with the damaging impacts of finan-
cial flows and neoliberal free trade-driven globalization,
regional organizations can be a way forward for govern-
ments that wish to ensure both economic growth and
social progress.
Actually, the regional level of international cooperation
can advance a more equitable feature of the globaliza-
tion process. The development of social policies within
regional institutions and regulations and the emergence
of regional polities as catalysts for global social policies
are steps in the right direction to prevent risks of a race
to the bottom, and to design new types of social policy
across national boundaries. By the same token, grouped
countries can have a louder voice in the international
system, and regions offer their members means for
handling international flows of finance, goods and labor.
However, this route to a socially fair globalization cannot
be sufficient on its own, and the book addresses issues
at stake about multilevel governance.
A working division of labor between world organiza-
tions, including the UN system, and regional bodies for
attacking issues most suitable to their capabilities and
expertise is greatly desirable. It could be established by
Reviews 353
Global Policy (2011) 2:3 ª2011 London School of Economics and Political Science and John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
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