Young people’s sense of fairness and social action: A survey analysis of Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao
| Author | Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao,Po-san Wan,Kevin Wong,Victor Zheng |
| Date | 01 September 2020 |
| Published date | 01 September 2020 |
| DOI | 10.1177/2057891119844602 |
| Subject Matter | Research articles |
Research article
Young people’s sense
of fairness and social
action: A survey analysis
of Taiwan, Hong Kong,
and Macao
Victor Zheng
The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Hsin-Huang Michael Hsiao
Academia Sinica
Po-san Wan
The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Kevin Wong
The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Abstract
Based on a comparative survey conducted in 2016, this article explores the social actions of young
people in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao from the perspective of social injustice and social
frustration as advanced by Gurr (2011). Applying a two-dimensional model of perceptions of social
and individual fairness, it is found that young people in Taiwan and Hong Kong have higher levels of
frustration and show greater tolerance and acceptance towards radical confrontational approa-
ches than those in Macao. Furthermore, in Hong Kong, young people with a higher level of both
social and individual unfairness display more interest in local politics, are more likely to take part in
social movements, and are more inclined to agree to a radical confrontational approach.
Keywords
Hong Kong, Macao, sense of fairness, social action, Taiwan, young people
Corresponding author:
Victor Zheng, Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, Hong Kong.
Email: vzheng@cuhk.edu.hk
Asian Journal of Comparative Politics
2020, Vol. 5(3) 270–287
ªThe Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/2057891119844602
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Introduction
The aim of this article is to shed light on the social actions of young people in Taiwan, Hong Kong,
and Macao from the perspective of social justice and social frustration, through the use of territory-
wide opinion survey data gathered in 2016 in the three societies. In 2014, large-scale social
movements first erupted in Taiwan (the “Sunflower Movement” in March), then spread to Macao
(the “Against the Bill of Greed and Privilege Movement” in May) and Hong Kong (the “Occupy
Central Movement” in September). Young people, i.e. those born in the 1980s and 1990s, not only
took the lead in these movements, but were also staunch followers and supporters (Chen and Yen,
2017; Hsiao and Wan, 2018; Wong, 2017). Serious social problems, such as high housing costs and
declining upward social mobility; the development of post-materialistic values in young people,
which has stirred up a great desire for a more democratic government; and Mainland China’s
continuous rise, which has caused young people to worry about becoming more dependent on the
Mainland or about their own diminishing competitiveness, are considered to have been the main
causes of these movements (Au, 2017; Lim and Ping, 2015; Ng, 2016).
Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao are three affluent, open, and highly internationalized Chinese
societies; however, it is believed that the causes of the 2014 movements in these places were
different, and thus their pattern of development varied greatly. Much research attention has been
paid to the features and modus operandi of these movements, but there have been few attempts to
study them from a comparative angle. In this article, an attempt is made to fill this gap by
examining similarities and differences in the three societies in terms of how young people view
their socio-economic situation, their sense of fairness, and their political aspirations. Applying a
two-dimensional model of perceptions of social and individual fairness, we explain young people’s
political aspirations in three societies and argue that yo ung people with a stronger feeling of
unfairness are more likely to take part in social movements, and more inclined to agree to a radical
confrontational approach.
Social frustration and social movements revisited
Throughout history, numerous social movements, large and small, local or national, have
occurred. Some brought about dramatic changes, but some died unnoticed. In recent years, there
has been a significant change from violent to non-violent movements, as the latter can enjoy a
“moral advantage” over the former, and can garner more attention but provoke little animosity or
distrust (Shaykhutdinov, 2010: 179). Regardless of their form, social frustration or displacement
remains a key explanation of the cause of such movements (Gurr, 2000; McAdam and Tarrow,
2000; Schock, 2005).
In his masterpiece Why Men Rebel, Gurr (2011) advanced the concept of perceived deprivation
to include relative deprivation, which Merton (1968) and Stouffer et al. (1949) had advocated, to
distinguish it from absolute deprivation. He defined relative deprivation as “actors’ perception of
discrepancy between their value expectations and their value capabilities” (Gurr, 2011: 24), i.e. the
disparity between what people expect they deserve and what they can actually get. He further
argued that when relative deprivation mounts, frustration is bred. Although frustration does not
necessarily lead to rebellion, if no effective method is taken to channel the discontent or to address
the anger, collective violence is likely to occur.
After Gurr, many scholars examined social movements from socio-political perspectives. For
instance, Tilly (1978) argued that throughout history, many social movements provoked by
Zheng et al. 271
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