Confrontational and Revenge Homicides Among Men in England and Wales
| Author | Fiona Brookman |
| Published date | 01 April 2003 |
| Date | 01 April 2003 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1375/acri.36.1.34 |
Confrontational and Revenge Homicides
Among Men in England and Wales
Fiona Brookman
University of Glamorgan, United Kingdom
This article examines the nature of two predominant forms of mascu-
line (male-on-male) homicide identified in England and Wales —
“confrontational” homicide and “revenge” homicide. Based on analysis of
police murder investigation files, the article explores the distinct nature
of these two forms of masculine homicide as well as some important
shared characteristics. The findings are compared with previous research
in this area, not least the work of Polk regarding masculine homicide in
Australia (1994a, 1994b, 1995, 1999) which is particularly significant in
this context. As well as exploring the literature regarding masculine
homicide, the article considers the extent to which the identification of
specific forms of masculine homicide can inform theoretical exploration
of the role of gender in lethal violence.
Homicide manifests a large, cross-culturally universal sex difference, in that men
are vastly over-represented particularly as offenders but also as victims of homicide
(Curtis, 1974; Wolfgang, 1958; Strang, 1992; Polk, 1994a). Homicide in England
and Wales is no exception to this general pattern. Eighty-nine per cent of all
identified offenders over the period 1995 to 1999 inclusive were male, and in well
over half (59%) of all homicides during the same period, both offender and victim
were male. This compares to 29% of homicides involving a male suspect and
female victim; almost 9% involving a female as offender and male as victim and
just over 3% of homicides involving a female as both offender and victim
(Homicide Index, 1995–1999).1
Aside from this “masculine” bias, several pieces of research suggest different
patterns of homicide depending upon the gender of the offenders and victims
involved. For example, a number of researchers have noted that a substantial
proportion of female victims of homicide are killed by their spouse (current or
past), and also that actual or imminent separation is highly relevant to risk of
intimate femicide (Campbell, 1995; Carcach & James, 1998). In contrast, men
tend to fall victim to homicide at the hands of strangers, friends and acquaintances.
Homicide data from England and Wales similarly indicate these divergent
victim–offender relationship patterns according to the gender of those involved.
Address for correspondence: Fiona Brookman PhD, Senior Lecturer in Criminology and
Criminal Justice, Centre for Criminology, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences,
the University of Glamorgan, Pontypridd, South Wales, CF37 1DL, United Kingdom. Email:
fbrookma@glam.ac.uk
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CONFRONTATIONAL AND REVENGE HOMICIDES AMONG MEN IN ENGLAND AND WALES
For example, between 1995 and 1999 over 40% of female victims of homicide were
killed by a spouse, lover or cohabitant, compared to just over 6% of male homicide
victims. Almost a quarter of all male homicide victims were killed by an acquaintance
or other person known to them (excluding friends and criminal or commercial associ-
ates) compared to just 9% of female victims. Finally, 17% of male victims were killed
by a stranger, compared to 7% of female victims (Homicide Index).
Since Wolfgang’s (1958) landmark study into homicide in Philadelphia, United
States (US), homicide researchers have consistently studied homicide with
victim–offender relationships at the forefront of their analyses. Yet it would appear
that this kind of information is limited in the extent to which it can inform
theoretical developments about the nature and causes of various forms of homicide.
Hence, some researchers have suggested that information regarding the social
relationships between victims and offenders of homicide be combined with analysis
of “what it is that has transpired to bring the victim and offender to a point where
lethal violence is employed” (Polk, 1994a, p. 21). In other words, the importance
of understanding the event as well as the relationship between those involved in
homicide is increasingly being advocated (see also Riedel, 1987). This paper
proceeds in such a direction by paying particular attention to both the gender of
those involved in homicide (in this instance males) and by focusing upon the event
— what led up to it and how it unfolded. The overall objective is to contribute to
ongoing discussions about the links between maleness and violence. To these ends,
the paper will identify and unravel two predominant but distinct forms of mascu-
line homicide identified in England and Wales before proceeding to link these
findings and observations to existing knowledge about male lethal violence. It will
be argued that different, but equally valuable, research questions arise depending
upon whether one elects to focus upon the persistent social and economic charac-
teristics of men predominantly involved in homicide, or, rather, focus upon particu-
lar manifestations of male-on-male homicide at the “ground” or “micro” level.
Data and Methodolog y
Data for the present investigation, which is part of a wider study into homicide
across England and Wales (Brookman, 2000), were drawn from covering reports
from police murder investigation files.2 These reports were secured from three
police force areas in England and Wales.3 For reasons of confidentiality, the actual
names and locations of the three police force areas from which the data were
elicited have been omitted, suffice it to say that one metropolitan and two “mixed”
(comprising both urban and rural areas) police force areas were included in the
sample. The metropolitan force witnessed around 40 homicides in an average year
whilst the mixed forces experienced an average of 15 homicides in a year.
A total of 97 reports were analysed. These consisted of all available files for
known homicides committed in the force areas during 1994 and 1996.4 Over half
of these homicides (54 cases) occurred amongst adult males (aged 18 or over) and,
of these, 37 files are pertinent as they relate to men involved in what may be
called either “confrontational” killings (19 cases) or “revenge” killings (18 cases).
These comprise the most common scenarios of male on male homicide in the
sample, making them an important category of masculine homicide to explore.
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FIONA BROOKMAN
The remaining cases of masculine homicide took the form of robbery killings (n = 7)
and “prejudice” killings (n = 2).5 A further 8 cases defied classification on the basis
of the available evidence.
A n a lysing the Murder Files
Analysis of the murder file data moved through several phases, beginning by
categorising the files according to the “gender mix” of the offenders and victims
involved. Following this, extensive details of events leading up to each homicide,
such as any prior disputes or encounters between the offender(s) and victim that
may help to explain the incident and any apparent motives that might explain the
killing were examined. Similarly detailed descriptions of the actual killing were
recorded with an emphasis on victim–offender interactions at the scene and situa-
tional factors that may have influenced the offenders and victims actions, such as
the extent (if any) of alcohol or drugs consumed by either party, the availability of
weapons, the role of bystanders and temporal and spatial patterns. Essentially, full
details of any historical roots as well as the chain of events that led up to the
homicide were recorded. In this way certain patterns began to emerge and
ultimately a series of quite distinct scenarios were uncovered, as detailed in Table 1.
In short, analysis was of an exploratory and emergent nature; the scenarios that
TABLE 1
Forms of Masculine Homicide Observed in Three Police Force Areas in England and Wales,
1994 and 1996
Men Killing Men (N = 54)
Breakdown of
Total by Type
Scenario Types
Confrontational
19
Acquaintances/Friends
13
Strangers
4
Family/Cohabitants
2
Revenge
18
Acquaintances/Friends
14
Strangers
2
Family/Cohabitants
2
Robbery
7
Acquaintances/Neighbours
3
Strangers
4
Prejudice Killings
2
Strangers
2
Unknown Motive
6
Acquaintances
1
Strangers
4
Not known
1
Unsolved/Outstanding
2
Total Cases
54
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CONFRONTATIONAL AND REVENGE HOMICIDES AMONG MEN IN ENGLAND AND WALES
have been identified were refined throughout the process of analysis. Each scenario
shared common elements which, it was felt, were those that most clearly captured
the essence of these different forms of masculine homicide.
Characteristics of Male-on-male Homicides
Before proceeding to a discussion of the two distinct scenarios of confrontational
and revenge homicide, it is important to outline some of the general or shared
characteristics of masculine homicide identified in the current research.
Taking the masculine homicides as a whole (i.e., all 54 cases outlined in Table 1),
a number of important points need to be made, not least the extent to which
offenders and victims were unemployed, their previous convictions for violence,
and their relative youthfulness. Temporal patterns and the role of alcohol were also
significant features of many of these homicides. In contrast, some factors that have
been identified in previous research in this area do not seem to have proved to...
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