Historical Trauma, Resettlement, and Intervention Strategies: An Analysis of Somali‐Canadian's Experiences
| Published date | 01 April 2018 |
| Date | 01 April 2018 |
| Author | Nimo Bokore |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/imig.12418 |
Historical Trauma, Resettlement, and
Intervention Strategies: An Analysis of
Somali-Canadian’s Experiences
Nimo Bokore*
INTRODUCTION
Somalis have been at the centre of forced migration and diaspora discussions in the past two dec-
ades due to ongoing displacement and famine, and the impact that Muslim extremists have had on
East Africa and Somali communities. For some Somalis, particularly those living in what was the
Italian colony, these issues continue to persist. They have dealt with the disintegration of the cen-
tral government of their home country, the loss of a way of life, and the development of strong
and divisive tribal and religious identities.
This traumatic history is the starting point of this discussion, which is based on a study I did on
Somali Canadian women who arrived in Canada between 1990 and 2008 (Bokore, 2016). The pur-
pose of the research was to explore a) the impact of historical trauma on Somali ethnic groups; b)
how Somali-Canadian women born in different regions of the Horn of Africa conceptualize the
experiences of forced migration and resettlement; (c) how understanding the impact of prolonged
trauma is relevant in refugee resettlement studies; and (d) how current policy and programming
strategies are implicated in resettlement challenges for Somali refugees.
Methodology
This article is guided by several overarching questions: How do Canadian Somali women conceptu-
alize survival in the face of war and forced migration, and how does this experience affect resettle-
ment and well-being? What has been happening in the Somali community in Canada in the past
two decades, in other words, why is the community so prominent in the statistics on poverty and
violence in Canada?
The women featured in my study were from the group of refugees who arrived in Canada from
late the 1980s to early 2000s, when most Somali ethnic groups arrived in Canada. Hence, they
were between the ages of 39 and 69, born in different Somali regions, and lived in either Toronto
or Ottawa. Based on life history methodology, I conducted multiple interviews (as per Cole &
Knowles, 2001) with each participant in 2013/2014. Life history method allowed me to collect the
humanizing aspects of the participant’s stories: experiences, emotions, views and ideas on historical
trauma, displacement, and marginalization (Dhunpath & Samuel, 2009; Goodson & Sikes, 2001).
Charlotte Linde (1993) describes life history research as a method used to present stories that say:
“see what events have made me what I am.”Or more precisely, “what you must know about me is
*Carleton University School of Social Work
doi: 10.1111/imig.12418
©2017 The Author
International Migration ©2017 IOM
International Migration Vol. 56 (2) 2018
ISS N 00 20- 7985 Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
know me”(p. 20). It is a method that is aligned with my own professional social work ethos, that
is, exploring the life of a person in their environment is highly valuable (Mullaly, 2002).
Since the Somali culture of the participants is a patriarchal one, I also used a critical gender lens
to explore the distinctive approaches the participants used to navigating both internal (dynamics in
the Somali community) and external (systemic) oppressive systems (Collins, 2000). Employing a
Black feminist life history research approach meant highlighting the women’s narratives and their
meaning-making processes while responding to the epistemological and ontological questions of
what Patricia Collins (2000) calls Black women’s“self-defined viewpoints”in their journeys (pp.
vi). Paolo Freire (1970) expresses a similar approach: “Storytelling in a human rights context
allows those who have been marginalized to tell their stories in an authentic and meaningful dia-
logue and with reflection that identifies causes”(cited in Chin & Rudelious-Palmer, 2010, p. 268).
In order to do this better, I look first at the historical dynamics that affect Somali communities,
after which I turn my attention to the experiences of individual women who live this history in
their daily lives. Next, I look at some of the dimensions that resettlement services needs to take
into account if they are going to address the trauma experienced by Somalis. Finally, I offer inter-
vention strategies and resettlement policies that could address this trauma.
SOMALI COLONIAL HISTORY AND HISTORICAL TRAUMA
The African Partition and Trauma
The British, the Ethiopian, and the Italians are squabbling,
The country is snatched and divided by whosoever is stronger,
The country is sold piece by piece without our knowledge,
And for me all this the Teeth of the Last Days!
Faarah Nuur (1880–1930) quoted in Samatar (1982, p. 92)
This poem alludes to a number of treaties that were signed between the Ethiopian Monarch
Menilek and European colonial powers which consolidated the Somali partition, or “land grab,”
from 1894 to 1908, and were officially sanctioned at the Berlin Conference in 1884 (Cassanelli,
1982, p. 183). This secured the dislocation and continuous suffering of Somalis for more than a
century (Bulhan, 2008, pp. 27–29; Cassanelli, 1982, p. 30).
Before the partition and subsequent colonization, Somalis residing in the Horn of Africa had a
system of government based not on political parties and a central government but on a traditional
tribal-based self-governance with Islam as an integral part of the structure. The Europeans ended
this system of self-governance, creating dysfunctional political and social systems that have
endured to the present day.
Upon arrival, under the banner of the Imperial British East Africa Company, the British began to
characterize Somalis as Muslim aggressors with a history as warriors who pushed other inhabitants
of the land, like Oromos, further inland (Cassanelli, 1982; Lewis, 1961; Markakis, 1987; Touval,
1963). In addition, the British considered Somalis to be a threat to the food supply for the British
military stationed in Horn of Africa and the Port of Aden, in present-day Yemen. This assumption
and the start of collective punishments, such as border restrictions and the illegal seizure of pas-
toralist livestock, devastated Somalis who were mainly pastoralists living in an arid land and
dependent on water holes and tribal grass lands. These acts on the part of colonial governments
resulted in widespread famine in various regions in which Somalis lived (Cassanelli 1982, p. 29).
Somalis resisted these forced displacements and loss of their cattle. Two famous and large-scale
regional wars took place in response. The first was led by the legendary Somali warrior Ahmad
Historical Trauma, Resettlement, and Intervention Strategies 147
©2017 The Author. International Migration ©2017 IOM
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