Perceptions of justice and victims of crimes against humanity in Guinea
| Author | Jo-Anne Wemmers,Rouguiatou Balde |
| Published date | 01 May 2021 |
| Date | 01 May 2021 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/0269758020929221 |
| Subject Matter | Special section articles |
Special section article
Perceptions of justice and
victims of crimes against
humanity in Guinea
Rouguiatou Balde
Universit´
e de Montr´
eal, Canada
Jo-Anne Wemmers
Universit´
e de Montr´
eal, Canada
Abstract
Crimes against humanity in Guinea have caused many thousands of deaths, the exile of countless
individuals, and the rape of hundreds of women. Since its independence in 1958, Guinea has been
ruled by various authoritarian regimes and experienced periods of grave violence, most notably
from 1958 to 1984, under the rule of S´
ekou Tour´
e and, more recently, in 2009, under the rule of
Moussa Dadis Camara. While some effort has been made to address these crimes, victims continue
to demand justice. This raises the question: what does justice mean for victims of crimes against
humanity in Guinea? In this paper, we examine the meaning of justice for 31 Guinean victims of
crimes against humanity. Using justice theory as a framework, we examine the perceptions and
experiences of these victims regarding justice to promote reconciliation and lasting peace.
Keywords
Justice judgements, procedural justice, distributive justice, crimes against humanity, Guinea
Introduction
Crimes against humanity are a grave offence both from a legal standpoint and from the victim’s
perspective. Victimization can have serious consequences for individuals and affect both their
well-being and their perception of life. Traumatic events, and especially mass violence, can result
in long-term impacts on political attitudes (Laufer and Solomon, 2011), personal emotions (Puna-
maki, 2011; Wemmers and Manirabona, 2014b), social beliefs (Janoff-Bulman and Sheikh, 2006;
Wemmers, 2017) and collective emotional orientation or emotional climate (Bar-Tal et al., 2007;
Corresponding author:
Rouguiatou Balde, Universit´
e de Montr´
eal, 2900 Edouard Montpetit Blvd, Montr´
eal, Quebec H3T 1J4, Canada.
Email: rouguiatou.balde@umontreal.ca
International Review of Victimology
2021, Vol. 27(2) 138–161
ªThe Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0269758020929221
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De Rivera and Paez, 2007). In addition to a willing offender, crimes against humanity often involve
collaboration by government authorities. Hence, not only is victims’ faith in others threatened, but
often their faith in government and social institutions.
Transitional justice deals with gross violations of human rights and mass violence to promote
reconciliation (Lambourne, 2009) and lasting peace (Bloomfield et al., 2003). Justice is a notion
composed of many elements, and criminal justice – or specifically, the prosecution of offenders –
is one important element of transitional justice. In addition, elements such as reparation, truth, and
institutional reform are key components of transitional justice. One fundamental question in
transitional justice is how to bring justice to victims, because this is the basis for everlasting peace
(Bloomfield et al., 2003). Time does not erase victims’ need for justice (Manirabona and Wem-
mers, 2014) and they will usually demand that justice be done. But what is justice for victims of
crimes against humanity? How can justice be restored? What does it take for victims to (re)gain a
sense of justice? When do victims feel that justice has been done?
In this article, we examine the meaning of justice, its determinants, and its function for victims
of crimes against humanity in Guinea in order to have a better understanding of how to restore
justice for victims following cr imes against humanity and promot e reconciliation and lasting
peace. Using justice theory as a framework, we study victims’ expectation and needs related to
justice. First, we briefly describe the Guinean context. This is followed by a description of justice
theory. Third, we present the results from the interviews with victims of crimes against humanity.
Finally, we wrap up the article with a discussion of the findings for justice theory and of its
implications for transitional justice in Guinea.
General presentation of Guinea
Located in West Africa, the Republic of Guinea covers 245,857 km
2
and has a population of
13.63m, most of whom (1.76m) live in the country’s capital, Conakry (Ministry of Europe and
Foreign Affairs, 2019). Guinea gained independence on 2 October 1958. It borders the Atlantic
Ocean to the west, Guinea-Bissau to the northwest, Senegal to the north, Mali to the east, and
Liberia and Sierra Leone to the south. With the exception of Senegal, all of its bordering countries
have experienced violent conflicts. Guinea’s population is made up of around 40 ethnic groups.
These can be sorted into four main ethnic groups, namely the Malinke or Mandinka, the Soussous,
the Fulani and the Foresters (PNUD, 2019). The most numerous linguistic groups are Fulani or
Poulars (40.9%), followed by Malinke or Maninka (28.4%) and Soussous (11.3%). These three
languages are spoken by more than 80%of the population. Minority languages are also spoken, in
particular Toma, Kpelle, Baga, Sarakole, Kono, etc. But the country’s official language is French
(Institut National de Statistiques, 2013; PNUD, 2019). Several religions are practised in Guinea;
however, Islam is the majority religion. More specifically, the population consists of 85%Mus-
lims, 8%Christians and 7%followers of traditional religions (animisms). Half of the population is
illiterate (51%) and life expectancy is 60.6 years (The World Bank, 2019).
Crimes against humanity in Guinea
According to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), crimes against humanity
means any of the following acts when ‘committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack
directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack’:
Balde and Wemmers 139
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