Policing immigrants: Using a randomized control trial of procedural justice policing to promote trust and cooperation
| Published date | 01 March 2018 |
| Date | 01 March 2018 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0004865816673691 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Australian & New Zealand
Journal of Criminology
2018, Vol. 51(1) 3–22
!The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/0004865816673691
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Article
Policing immigrants: Using a
randomized control trial of
procedural justice policing to
promote trust and cooperation
Kristina Murphy
Griffith Criminology Institute, Griffith University, Australia
Lorraine Mazerolle
School of Social Sciences, University of Queensland, Australia
Abstract
Immigrants are often less trusting of police than non-immigrants because they can feel ill-
served by police and the laws they enforce. Procedural justice policing has been regarded as
central to improving public trust and confidence in police. Using survey data from citizens
exposed to the world’s first randomized field trial of procedural justice policing (Queensland
Community Engagement Trial), we found that trust in police, but not willingness to report
crime to police, was higher among those exposed to the procedural justice condition com-
pared to the control condition. Interestingly, the effect of procedural justice on trust and
crime reporting was moderated by age and immigrant status; procedural justice had a more
positive effect for immigrants, particularly those younger than 26 years of age.
Keywords
Immigrants, policing, procedural justice, randomized control trial, trust
Date received: 24 March 2016; accepted: 19 September 2016
Introduction
In recent decades, Australia has experienced wide-scale immigration from non-Western
jurisdictions. Australia is now one of the most multicultural and multi-racial societies in
the world. Recent figures indicate that 30%of Australia’s population is born overseas
(ABS, 2012). This diversity brings many benefits, but it can be challenging for authorities
charged with ensuring public order and cohesion among groups that have different
beliefs and competing interests. Research shows that ethnic minority groups, as well
as immigrants from non-Western societies, often have a deep seated mistrust of public
Corresponding author:
Kristina Murphy,Griffith Criminolog y Institute, Griffith University,Mt Gravatt, Brisbane, Queensland 4122, Australia.
Email: t.murphy@griffith.edu.au
authorities (see Weber, 2013). These groups tend to be less likely to engage with police in
collaborative crime control, tend to be less likely to report their own victimisation, and
tend to be less likely to call police for help (e.g. Bird, 1992; Meredyth, McKernan, &
Evans, 2010; Murphy & Cherney, 2011; Sivasubramaniam & Goodman-Delahunty,
2008; Tyler, 2001). This distrust of police is particularly prominent among immigrant
youth (Berry & Sabatier, 2010; Brunson, 2007; Davis & Erez, 1998; Poynting, Noble, &
Tabar, 1999).
Distrust of criminal justice institutions can be attributable to language barriers. But
for many it is attributable to personal and/or vicarious experiences of oppressive policing
practices in their country of origin (Cole, 1999; Tyler, 2001). Biased treatment from
authorities in their newly adopted country can further marginalize immigrant groups,
fostering a sub-culture of distrust and disrespect of police. With police relying so heavily
on the public to follow the law, and to report crime and victimisation, finding strategies
that police can use to build trust and a voluntary willingness to engage with police is
important.
Scholars suggest that procedural justice can help bridge the divide between police and
various marginalized groups (e.g. Bradford, 2012; Murphy, 2013). A recent US
Presidential Taskforce Report on 21st century policing also proposed that procedural
justice policing was crucial for police in their desire to build positive relationships with
racial minority groups (Taskforce, 2015). In this paper, we examine whether police can
use procedural justice to foster trust and willingness to engage with police among immi-
grants in Australia, with a particular focus on young immigrants.
Policing minority and immigrant groups
Race and/or ethnic minority status is identified as one of the key factors explaining
negative attributions of police bias (Bird, 1992; Murphy & Cherney, 2012; Tyler,
1990; Weitzer, 1999). Numerous empirical studies show a significant relationship
between minority status and negative attitudes of police. The vast majority of these
studies have been undertaken in the United States, and they reveal a consistent finding;
relative to white Americans, people from ethnic or racial minority groups tend to evalu-
ate police conduct more negatively (e.g. Gau & Brunson, 2010; Lurigio, Greenleaf, &
Flexon, 2009; Weitzer, 1999; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). For example, Weitzer (1999) exam-
ined the attitudes of racial minority groups for three different types of police behaviour:
(1) behaviour at street stops; (2) verbal abuse; and (3) excessive force (i.e. brutality).
African-American respondents were more likely than White respondents to report nega-
tive evaluations on these three police behaviours. Weitzer and Tuch (2004) also demon-
strated that African-Americans and Hispanics reported significantly higher rates of
police discrimination and unfair targeting, with White Americans having experienced
little discrimination. Warren (2011) examined differences in perceptions of police bias
and disrespect between Whites and non-whites at routine traffic stops. Warren found
that 21% of non-white drivers reported disrespect at a traffic stop, compared to 15% in
the White group. In the USA, Skogan (2006) revealed that African-Americans are more
likely than other groups to hold negative views of police. This is exacerbated by age, with
Black youth being more likely to perceive and experience police bias.
4Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 51(1)
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