Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of Migration on Union Dissolution
| Author | Elyse A. Jennings,Jason Davis |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/imig.12513 |
| Date | 01 December 2018 |
| Published date | 01 December 2018 |
Spatial and Temporal Dimensions of
Migration on Union Dissolution
Jason Davis* and Elyse A. Jennings**
ABSTRACT
This investigation uses data from Nicaragua to evaluate the temporal and geographic influences
of migration on union dissolution. We investigate the impact of three migration types: internal
(within Nicaragua), South-South international (to Costa Rica), and South-North international (to
the United States). We perform event history analyses using data from the Latin American Migra-
tion Project (LAMP) to test whether longer migrations (time) and migration to international and
more distant locations (place), and the combination of these two factors, is associated with
increased rate of union dissolution among return migrants. Results suggest that total migration
duration and internal migration (relative to non-migration) are associated with an increased rate
of union dissolution. Moreover, a longer duration of migration to any one of the three destina-
tions increases this rate. In order to understand the familial risks associated with migration, then,
we must consider both the time and place associated with the migration event.
INTRODUCTION
In many parts of the world, it is common for young people –typically men –to migrate temporar-
ily for work in order to support themselves and their family (Rodriguez and Tiongson, 2001; Wil-
liams, 2009; Yabiku et al., 2010; Kerstin and Massey, 2011). This time spent apart may take a toll
on these men’s marriages, and this toll may increase with increased migration duration, and/or with
migration to more distant and unfamiliar places (Goldstein and Goldstein, 1983; Stephen and Bean,
1992). In this article, we investigate how voluntary spousal separation due to migration might
impact union dissolution. We focus not only on the overall migration experience of young men
who return home after a migration, but also on the spatial and temporal characteristics of their
migration experiences. In doing so, this study elaborates on existing literature in the areas of migra-
tion and union dissolution (Mincer, 1978; Landale and Ogena, 1995; Frank and Wildsmith, 2005),
providing insight into how migration can impact the family, and how choices about migrating for
work might negatively impact marital trajectories.
Our study focuses on couples based in Nicaragua, where out-migration is prevalent and many fami-
lies are affected by the absence of their young men (Macours and Vakis, 2010). Specifically, we focus
on the impact that migration of male Nicaraguans (1) within Nicaragua, (2) to Costa Rica, and (3) to
the United States has on the stability of migrants’romantic unions. In doing so, we examine influences
of internal domestic migration, as well as two types of international migration: South-South and
South-North migration. This approach allows us to investigate one of the most common migration
streams in North America: migration from Central America to the United States (Castles et al., 2005).
* University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA
** Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies, Cambridge, USA
doi: 10.1111/imig.12513
©2018 The Authors
International Migration ©2018 IOM
International Migration Vol. 56 (6) 2018
ISS N 00 20- 7985 Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
We use data from the Latin American Migration Project (LAMP) that includes detailed information
on both migration experience and union histories. Our analysis focuses on couples in which the men
returned home after their migration, reducing the possible selection bias of migrants who had not
intended to return from the start. These data allow us to investigate the flow of migrants to a variety of
destinations that are rarely shown in other data collections, offering the opportunity to study how dif-
ferent types of migration can have different influences on the migrants and their marital outcomes.
BACKGROUND
Nicaraguan migration patterns
Although Nicaragua uniquely supports relatively high levels of female internal and international
migration (Garcia et al., 2002), due to the sampling approach used in LAMP –described in more
detail below –we focus on the association between male migration and union dissolution.
Internal migration
Nicaragua makes for a compelling migration story, primarily because of its uniquely diverse migra-
tion dynamics. Like most countries around the world, Nicaragua has a strong internal migration
network dominated by rural-urban migration (Europea, 2013). There is also a steady internal rural-
rural migration stream that supplies seasonal labour to the agriculture industry (e.g., coffee, sugar,
other export crops) (Macours and Vakis, 2010). Between 2.5 and 4 per cent of Nicaraguans migrate
domestically each year (CEPAL, 2008).
Nicaraguan households have a diversity of economic migration options, including rural internal
seasonal migration during the cropping season and more seasonably stable migration to larger cities
such as Managua. The costs and physical barriers to internal migration are relatively low. Even the
most remote Nicaraguans on the southeast coast can reach Managua by inexpensive ground trans-
portation within about 24 hours. However, the economic gains for unskilled rural workers migrat-
ing to urban areas are low (Corral and Reardon, 2001).
International migration
Nicaragua has vibrant international migration streams. About 6 per cent of Nicaraguans migrate inter-
nationally each year and the large majority of those international migrations are split between two
major South-North and South-South destinations: The United States and Costa Rica. Just over half of
international migrants are male (Europea, 2013). Like many internal migrants, many international
migrants to Costa Rica migrate for seasonal work and the expectation of improved incomes in the
short-term (Macours and Vakis, 2010). Migrants to the United States tend to be more affluent and
educated than their Costa Rican migrant counterparts (Hobbs and Jameson, 2012). Because the large
majority of international migrants are destined for either Costa Rica (55%) or the United States (36%)
(Hobbs and Jameson, 2012), we focus our investigation on these two international migration streams.
For Nicaraguan households contemplating international migration, the benefits and costs of a Costa
Rican versus a U.S. migration diverge on a number of scales. These include differences in distance,
the cost and physical risk of travel back and forth, language barriers, historic social ties, and potential
monetary rewards. These differences become more acute when migrants do not hold legal documents
to enter their preferred destination. Migration to Costa Rica tends to be easier and cheaper: a Nicara-
guan can travel by bus to the Costa Rican border in about a day, at most, for relatively little money
and with little fear of physical harm (IOM, 2001; Garcia et al., 2002). Moreover, Costa Rica shares a
common official language (Spanish), ancestry and geography with Nicaragua.
Influence of Migration on Union Dissolution 137
©2018 The Authors. International Migration ©2018 IOM
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