The application of routine activity theory in explaining victimization of child marriage
| Author | Murugesan Srinivasan,Michael L. Valan |
| DOI | 10.1177/0269758020988218 |
| Published date | 01 May 2021 |
| Date | 01 May 2021 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
Article
The application of
routine activity theory
in explaining victimization
of child marriage
Michael L. Valan
D.G. Vaishnav College, India
Murugesan Srinivasan
University of Madras, India
Abstract
The present research is an attempt to explain the problem of child marriage in light of routine
activity theory, developed by Felson and Cohen in 1979. There is, however, no specific theory that
exclusively addresses either children as victims of crime in general or victims of child marriage in
particular. Unlike other crime victims, however, certain victims of child marriage do not view
themselves as ‘victims’, given the underlying causative factors and the justification of the conse-
quences of such victimization. Routine activity theory was initially intended to explain property
crimes. In course of time, scholars of victimology began applying this theory to explain various
kinds of victimization, including domestic violence in different contexts. In this connection, a study
was conducted among victims of child marriage in the state of Tamil Nadu, India, to link the
practice of child marriage with the routine activity theory. For the purpose of the present research,
data were collected from 252 women who were married as children. The findings of the research
have revealed that the practice of child marriage can be explained from two dimensions: the first
explains the causes underlying its occurrence, and the second deals with how intimate partner
violence plays out in such circumstances. The outcome of this research is expected to fill a gap in
the literature in the field of victimology.
Keywords
Child marriage, routine activity theory, victimization
Corresponding author:
Dr. Michael L. Valan, Dept. of Criminology and Police Administration, D.G. Vaishnav College, (Autonomous), Arumbakkam,
Chennai 600 106, India.
Email: mike.victimology@gmail.com
International Review of Victimology
2021, Vol. 27(2) 211–226
ªThe Author(s) 2021
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/0269758020988218
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Introduction
Child marriage in India, deeply ingrained in ancient religious customs and traditions, has been
prevalent for centuries. In the Indian context, the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006 states
that ‘child marriage or early marriage refers to a marriage to which either of the contracting parties
is a child, whereas the minimum age of marriage for girls is 18 years of age, and 21 in the case of
boys’. It is not necessary that both groom and bride be children: if one is, such a contract is
considered a child marriage. Pover ty, a lack of education, fear, parental a nxiety and cultural
practices are but a few of the drivers of this complex issue that is rooted in gender inequality.
The growing urbanization of India’s vast rural areas has led to a gradual downslide in the incidence
of child marriage, a phenomenon that is losing gro und in both rural and urban communities,
primarily because society has begun to acknowledge and understand its ill effects. The enactment
and enforcement of special laws at the national level restraining child marriage have contributed to
curbing this practice. Despite existing legal provisions and the efforts of non-governmental orga-
nizations across the country, the practice continues to exist in small pockets today, specifically in
rural areas. Child marriage is widely prevalent in India, being especially practised mostly in India’s
northern and central states, including Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand
and Haryana – as well as in the southern states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.
According to ‘Crime in India’, official statistics publish ed by the National Crime Records
Bureau (NCRB), Government of India, only 357 cases pertaining to child marriage were registered
all over India in 2018 (International Institute for Population Sciences, 2017a). However, a report
from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-4)found that of the total population of married
women in the country, the percentage of women who were married at 18 years of age and below
was 47.4%in 2005–2006 (NFHS-4), and this dropped to 16.3%in 2015–2016 (International
Institute for Population Sciences, 2017a). This is a clear sign that the incidence of child marriage
is gradually declining markedly in India.
The practice of child marriage is collusive in nature, with several suburban, rural and backward
communities treating it as the norm rather than a grave aberration (Ghosh, 2011). Since the vast
majority of poor women are vulnerable, they are entirely likely to be sexually, physically and
mentally exploited by their husbands and extended families, especially in terms of sex, child-
bearing and domestic chores.
Determinants of child marriage
As far as the determinants of the practice of child marriage in India are concerned, research reveals
that the chief reasons behind the phenomenon are poverty, the much-prized value of virginity,
unemployment, a fear of unrealistic expectations in the form of a handsome dowry and a lack of
education on the part of the parents (Jain and Kurz, 2007; Pandya and Bhanderi, 2015; Svanemyr
et al., 2015; UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund), 2013; Valan and Srinivasan, 2017). Other
reasons for such marriages include cultural and religious norms and practices, parental anxiety in
regard to the future of their single daughters, maintaining familial ties within a large or extended
family and social pressure. Often, parents give their young girls in marriage to widowers or older
men to be a second or third wife, as a result of sheer poverty (Anagol-McGinn, 1992). Since a vast
majority of poor women are vulnerable, they are entirely likely to be sexually, physically and
mentally exploited by their husbands and in-laws, especially in terms of sex, childbearing and
domestic chores. Chae (2013) singled out orphanhood as a reason for child marriage. He conducted
212 International Review of Victimology 27(2)
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