The management of trust‐based working time in Germany
| Published date | 01 August 2003 |
| DOI | https://doi.org/10.1108/004834480310477551 |
| Date | 01 August 2003 |
| Pages | 492-509 |
| Author | Ingo Singe,Richard Croucher |
| Subject Matter | HR & organizational behaviour |
The management of
trust-based working time in
Germany
Ingo Singe
International Trade Union Centre, Cranfield School of Management,
Cranfield University, Cranfield, UK, and
Richard Croucher
Human Resource Research Centre, Cranfield School of Management,
Cranfield University, Cranfield, UK
Keywords Time management, Trust, Germany, Employees
Abstract New developments in trust-based working time systems (i.e. systems whereby managers
formally devolve their responsibilities for monitoring working time) in Germany are examined. A
picture of these systems is presented andthe main debates reviewed. It is argued that the successful
introductionof such systems is contingent on a number of inter-relatedfactors. These are: company
size and managementstyle, external and internal pressures and effective employeerepresentation. It
is concluded that such systems are most likely to be successful in larger organisations and that
effective employee representation is a key requirement. Current circumstances are not necessarily
conducive to the rapid spread of trust-based working time systems.
Introduction
This article deals with the management of trust-based working time (TBWT)
systems in Germany. It attempts to identify the conditions permitting its
successful introduction. Current problems and prospects for its further
diffusion are also examined.
TBWT ends formal management attempts to check and record employees’
working time, and this is its defining feature. Individuals and teams become
primarily responsible for fulfilling tasks and meeting targets. Time becomes a
secondary consideration. The crucial feature is the shift from a time to a results
orientation. A corollary is frequently held to be a clear definition of tasks and
quality standards. Individual employe es or teams are responsible for
organising working time according to tasks, agreed levels and quality of
service, and, in accordance with the law, collective agreements and personal
contracts’ terms and conditions. Management devolves responsibility for
defining and monitoring working time and may turn a “blind eye” to such
questions as whether employees exceed the legal limit of ten hours per day. It
has been suggested that this in fact occurs. The expression “Arbeiten ohne
Ende” (to work without end) has arisen to describe a growing discrepancy
between hours agreed actually worked, especially among highly qualified
employees in flexible working schemes (IG Metall 2000; Lehndorff, 2001;
Pickshaus et al., 2001).
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32,4
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Personnel Review
Vol. 32 No. 4, 2003
pp. 492-509
qMCB UP Limited
0048-3486
DOI 10.1108/004834480310477551
TBWT is absent in many economies. A new and as yet small development, it
is relatively common in Germany. The apparent paradox is that an economy
perceived as highly inflexible in its use of labour has in fact generated an
internationally innovative mode of managing working time. This occurs
because of the way dense regulation structures German-based companies’
efforts to improve their labour flexibility in the face of increased competition.
Although the phenomenon arises in a specific national context, TBWT is of
wider interest since it stands at one end of the theoretically possible spectrum
of managerial attempts to control working time, i.e. no formal attempt is made
to do so. In the early stages of capitalism Marx identified the battle over the
length of the working day as a key issue. Many large German employers have
now explicitly relegated this issue firmly to the past. Attempts to maximise
productivity and reduce costs now demand internalised employee commitment
rather than crude measurement of time spent at work. It has been predicted
that TBWT will increase in its incidence (Hoff, 2002). However, there is a
degree of employer trepidation in taking this step; it is problematic for a range
of reasons. For employees, it promises increased autonomy to balance work
and non-work requirements but simultaneously threatens to extend the
“de-bordering of work” already noted by German sociologists (Do
¨hl et al., 2000).
The term is used to describe the blurring of demarcation between the spheres of
work and life. The distinction between employee and employer becomes
blurred as employees actively “produce” and “sell” their own competencies
both on labour markets and within the organisation (“Selbst-O
¨konomisierung”,
self-economisation). Self-rationalisation (“Selbst-Rationalisierung”) becomes
mandatory, i.e. individuals have to consciously organise and adapt their
lifestyles and social relations according to the demands of work (Voß and
Pongratz, 1998, Pongratz, 2002; for important criticisms of some of these ideas
see Faust, 2002).
At a certain point, disappointed employee expectations may threaten
benefits such as reduced turnover hoped for by employers. This article is
mainly concerned with the conditions under which these problems are avoided
or kept within acceptable limits. One difficulty lies in the recent introduction of
TBWT, which means that experience is currently only short-term.
The nature of these schemes may be illustrated by characteristic case. A
“typical” agreement on TBTW covers public employees in the city of
Wolfsburg (Hoff, 2002, pp. 21-2). Its main principles are that:
.TBWT is to further trust in the workplace.
.Employees are themselves responsible in co-operation with work teams to
organise times in accordance with the law and sectoral agreements.
.Employees participate in keeping to and updating standards (e.g. service-
levels, quality, keeping of deadlines, required staffing levels).
.The employer does not check working time.
The management
of TBWT in
Germany
493
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